Armine

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SLllnJI7dsc&feature=player_embedded

MosJan contact me early if you want me to take care of it.

Americana - 12pm ($25) 3pm ($25) 6pm ($30) 9pm ($30) you can call the number and get tickets to make sure you have it or show up and hope the promoter left tickets at the theater.

if anyone wants tickets call 818-265-0506, they have it

I heard that the Khachagoghi Hishatakaran will be playing at the Americana tomorrow, Septemer 19 - does anyone have details or know how to reserve tickets???

Thank you for your kind hearted wishes

We will call him..... Mini MosJan Who says there are no miracles???

It’s not a new Turkey, it’s the right time By Ramzy Baroud Uri Avnery’s assessment of the recent Israeli-Turkish diplomatic and political row - that “the relationship between Turkey and Israel will probably return to normal, if not to its former degree of warmth” – seems sensible and daring. In my view, however, it is also inaccurate. Simply put, there is just no going back. In a recent article entitled “Israel Must Get Used to the New Turkey,” Suat Kiniklioğlu, Deputy Chairman of External Affairs for Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) wrote, “Israel appears to be yearning for the golden 1990s, which were the product of a very specific situation in the region. Those days are over and are unlikely to come back even if the Justice and Development Party (AKP) ends up no longer being in government.” This assessment seems more consistent with reality. One would agree with Avnery’s optimistic reading of events if the recent row was caused by just a couple of isolated incidents, for example, the gutsy public exchange over Gaza between Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan and Israel’s President Shimon Peres at the World Economic Forum in late January 2009, or the recent premeditated humiliation of Oguz Celikkol, Turkish Ambassador to Israel, by Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon. However, these incidents are anything but isolated. They reflect a clear and probably irreversible shift in Turkish foreign policy towards Israel, the U.S. and the Middle East as a whole. For decades Turkey was torn between its historical ties to Muslim and Arab countries on the one hand, and the unstoppable drive towards Westernization on the other. The latter seemed much more influential in forming the new Turkish identity in its individual, collective, and thus foreign policy manifestation and outlook. But even during the push and pull, Turkey grew in import as a political and economic player. It also grew into a nation with a decisive sense of sovereignty, a growing sense of pride and a daring capacity for asserting itself as a regional power. In the 1970s, when ‘political Islam’ was on the rise throughout the region, Turkey was experiencing its own rethink, and various politicians and groups began grappling with the idea of taking political Islam to a whole new level. In fact, it was Dr. Necmettin Erbakan, the Prime Minister of Turkey between 1996 and 1997 who began pushing against the conventional notion of Turkey as a second-class NATO member desperate to identify with everything Western. In the late 1980s Erbakan’s Rafah Party (the Welfare Party) took Turkey by storm. The party was hardly apologetic about its Islamic roots and attitude. Its rise to power as a result of the 1995 general elections raised alarm, as the securely ‘pro-Western’ Turkey was deviating from the very the rigid script that wrote off the country’s regional role as that of a “lackey of NATO.” According to Salama A Salama, who coined the phrase in a recent article in Al-Ahram Weekly, Turkey is no longer this ‘lackey’. And according to Kiniklioğlu, that’s something “Israel must get used to”. The days of Erbakan might be long gone. But the man’s legacy registered something that never departed Turkish national consciousness. He pushed the boundary, dared to champion pro-Palestinian policies, defied Western dictates and even pressed for economic repositioning of his country with the creation of the Developing Eight (D-8), uniting the most politically significant Arab and Muslim countries. When Erbakan was forced to step down in a ‘postmodernist’ military coup, it was understood as the end of short-lived political experiment which ended up proving that even a benign form of political Islam was not to be tolerated in Turkey. The army emerged, once again, all powerful. But things have changed drastically since then. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) was elected to power in 2002. The AK Party leadership was composed of savvy, yet principled politicians who aimed for change and even a geopolitical shift in their country’s regional political outlook. The AK Party began to lead a self-assertive Turkey which was neither pleading for European acceptance nor American validation. By rejecting the use of Turkish territories as a launchpad of a U.S. strike against Iraq in 2003, Turkey was acquiring a voice, and a strong one at that - with wide democratic representation and growing popular support. The trend continued, and in recent years Turkey dared translate its political power and prowess into action, without immediately severing the political and military balances that took years to build. So, for example, while it continued to honor past military deals with Israel, it also made many successful overtures to Syria and Iran. And, in being willing to be seen as a unifier in the age of Muslim and Arab disunity, it refused to take part in the conveniently set up camps of ‘moderates’ and ‘extremists’. Instead it maintained good ties with all its neighbors, and its Arab allies. Starting in 2007, the U.S. began seeing the emergence of the “New Turkey”. U.S. President Barack Obama’s visit to the country soon after his inauguration was one of many signs that the West was taking notice of Turkey’s ‘special’ status. Turkey is not to be bullied, threatened, or intimidated. Even Israel, which has for long defied the norms of diplomacy, is now becoming more aware of its limits, thanks to Turkish President Abdullah Gül. Following Israel’s belligerent insult of the Turkish Ambassador, he said, "Unless there is a formal apology from Israel, we're going to put Celikkol on the first plane back to Ankara." Israel, of course, apologized, and humbly so. It took Turkey many years to reach this level of confidence and the country is hardly eager to be anyone’s ‘lackey’ now. More, Turkey’s united and constant stance in support of Gaza, and its outspokenness against the threats against Lebanon, Iran and Syria show clearly that the old days of “warmth” are well behind us. Turkey, of course, will find a very receptive audience among Arabs and Muslims all over the world who are desperate for a powerful and sensible leadership to defend and champion their causes. Needless to say, for the besieged Palestinians in Gaza, Erdogan is becoming a household name, a folk hero, a new Nasser in fact. The same sentiment is shared throughout the region. - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is "My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza's Untold Story" (Pluto Press, London), now available on Amazon.com. My link

Meschian... in Montreal early 90s..... "El votch mi visht... el votch me vokhp..."

The name of the Ergenekon Street turned to Hrant Dink Street This is an old story. The street is very close to AGOS and the erea was an old non-muslim settlement. ( Old name is Tatavla, a Greek name) But after republic step by step some street names changed, I dont know exactly when the street's name turned to Ergenekon, but there are some reliable resources about this issue in Turkish.If you want we can look at them and find exact date -probably in 70's or maybe earlier. Ergenekon is one of the famous stories originated from central-Asian Turkish mythology and nationalist are giving too much importance to this kind of things - and you know the trial in Turkey in the same name aginst a dark group called themselves as Ergenekon inside the army and the state bureaucracy which tried to realize a coup d'etat a few years ago, too many people believe -and actually know- that Dink suicide is a part of their works. One other example, Bozkurt (grey-wolf), it is another famous symbol for Turkish nationalism (very similar with Roman history). And another thing, this street is maybe 100 metres far from the point Hrant murdered. hrantdinkstreet.zip

Agos Editor Seropyan: Ergenekon case was Hrant’s dream Agos editors Sarkis Seropyan (L) and Pakrat Estukyan spoke with Today’s Zaman at their newspaper office. If Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, who was fatally shot in front of the headquarters of the bilingual Armenian weekly Agos in 2007, were alive today, he would have been overjoyed that the Ergenekon gang is being investigated, Agos Editor Sarkis Seropyan has said. “If Hrant were alive and saw the Ergenekon case, he would have been over the moon,” he told Today’s Zaman for Monday Talk. “He would have supported the Ergenekon case much more than what we are able to do at Agos. He would not have been satisfied just by presenting the news related to Ergenekon.” Seropyan was referring to the investigation into Ergenekon, a neo-nationalist gang believed to be the extension of a clandestine network of groups with members in the armed forces and accused of being behind a number of unsolved murders of journalists, academics, public-opinion leaders and writers. ‘If Hrant were alive and saw the Ergenekon case, he would have been over the moon. He would jump for joy. He would have supported the Ergenekon case much more than what we are able to do at Agos. He would not have been satisfied just by presenting the news related to Ergenekon. This case against Ergenekon was his dream. It was his dream that those people’s [defendants in the Ergenekon case] masks would drop’ “It was his dream that those people’s masks would drop,” Seropyan said, referring to alleged members of Ergenekon investigated by the İstanbul Public Prosecutor’s Office. An investigation in the wake of the Dink assassination revealed that a group of ultranationalists was behind the murder. Strong evidence suggested that some members of the group had ties with the police department in northern Trabzon, the hometown of the plotters. Some gendarmes later confirmed that they had been tipped off about the plot to kill Dink before the murder was committed. The Dink family lawyers have frequently leveled allegations that police have attempted to obscure evidence. Fethiye Çetin, who represents the Dink family in the trial, had told Monday Talk in 2008 that some people who have been arrested as a result of the Ergenekon operation were very active in the process leading to Dink’s murder. However, although three years have passed since Dink was killed, the investigation into this vicious murder has yielded no conclusion. Both Agos editors say Hrant was unique Sarkis Seropyan, one of the founding members of Agos, worked closely with Hrant Dink as an editor until his murder on Jan. 19, 2007. Pakrat Estukyan has been an editor at Agos for two years and writes for the Armenian pages. Both editors say Dink was so different and unconventional that people would have difficulty categorizing him in one group or another. Two Agos editors, Seropyan and Pakrat Estukyan, answered our questions about Agos after Hrant Dink and more. Following the murder of Hrant Dink, you continued to publish Agos without any interruptions. How did that happen? Seropyan: A lot of people flooded our offices right after the news. People -- some of them we knew and some we did not know or like -- came to help us to put out the paper. With their support, we were able to publish a special issue. Indeed, they did it. Long-time Agos page designer Ümit Kıvanç, who is no longer with us, did the unforgettable front page. That issue sold about 50,000 copies even though our circulation did not normally exceed 5,000. What is your circulation now? Seropyan: With that special issue, we had an upsurge in our circulation, and since then it has gradually decreased and come to a balance of around 8,000-10,000 copies. “Friends of Hrant” has just released a press statement noting that it’s been three years since his murder and those who masterminded it are still free. What do you think? Seropyan: In honor killings, adults use minors to avoid harsher punishments, and this seems like what adults did in planning Hrant’s murder. A report prepared by the Dink family lawyers indicates the facts and the process in which the case was not resolved despite those facts very well. There are only a couple of boys that have been brought before the court as assassins. Some of the people whose breath I sometimes felt on my neck during the hearings are now being tried in connection with Ergenekon. They were so-called lawyers, jurists, generals, etc., but they are now responsible to the court. Sooner or later, Hrant’s case is going to be linked with the Ergenekon case even though we don’t know how far Ergenekon will be pursued. But if it is pursued, it will be good for the country. If Hrant were alive and saw the Ergenekon case, he would be over the moon. He would jump for joy. He would have supported the Ergenekon case much more than what we are able to do at Agos He would not have been satisfied just by presenting the news related to Ergenekon. This case against Ergenekon was his dream. It was his dream that those people’s masks would drop. ‘Turkish-Armenian relations will normalize’ When Agos was found in 1996, one of its goals was to contribute to the normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia. Do you still have hopes for that as there are steps in that regard? Seropyan: Those are delayed steps. I was more hopeful at the beginning but not now. On both sides, the nationalist forces are too powerful, and they are not even warm to the idea of having good neighborly relations, let alone being friends. The opposition says that everything the governments are doing in the process is wrong and they are right! I would like to turn to Mr. Estukyan at this point and ask his opinion on the same issue. Are you hopeful that relations will improve with Armenia? Estukyan: I am hopeful, even though I agree with Sarkis that politicians are not usually sincere and the opposition does not help either. But I am hopeful because the world is changing in such a way that there is a requirement for the resolution of old problems, especially in the Caucasus. In the past, only military power and military pacts have been important in this strategically important part of the world. But now the issue is about the region’s energy resources, transportation routes and how they can be safe and secure. Armenia and Turkey are both in the region, and a conflict in that area would not contribute to development and the transfer of energy resources. The West apparently does not want to take that risk, and both the United States and the European Union think the same way. Do you think the international community will also help eliminate problems between Armenia and Azerbaijan? Estukyan: It has to. It has to do that in order to end the conflicts in the region that are causing instability. Seropyan: I’d like to add that I don’t find politicians sincere, but eventually the borders will be opened and people will interact more. From the founding of the Turkish Republic until very recently, Turkish authorities have declared that “Turkey is surrounded by enemies.” How has it been possible that Turkey has been on bad terms with all of its neighbors? This is changing now in a positive direction. Are all the neighbors of Turkey now good but Armenia? This will change, too. What do you think Dink would have done at Agos in relation to the Ergenekon case? Can you imagine it? Seropyan: He was so different. He would have done something that we cannot even think about. Fatih Sultan Mehmet [“the Conqueror”] II had his warships transported overland. Hrant would have his ships moved overland as well. We can’t even dream about it. What strikes you the most in the report prepared by the Dink family lawyers? Seropyan: The report repeats the sentence “Hrant Dink was killed on Jan. 19, 2007,” every few paragraphs. It reminds us of that fact frequently because we need to remember it frequently. We should never forget this fact, and we will not. If we forget this, the Ergenekon case will lose its importance. Turkey’s democratization process has been directly linked with Hrant’s murder. Nobody should forget that Hrant was killed on Jan. 19, 2007. Anybody who has real love for her or his country should remember this. We love this country. We love Anatolia, where our grandparents lived. When I go to Anatolia, I want to feel the land so much that I walk barefooted there. I don’t even do that in my home in İstanbul. I am 75 years old, and I have many diseases, from hypertension to diabetes, but I get better when I am in Anatolia. My blood pressure drops even though I eat salty cheese and rich foods there. Would Dink go to Anatolia as well? Seropyan: He would sometimes, but he did not have much time to do so. Before he was murdered, he took frequent trips abroad. He would be called to speak at conferences. He received his passport only a few years before his murder because he had been banned from exiting the country due to his leftist political activities in his youth. ‘Official policies no longer convince people’ Do you think Dink’s murder played a role in increasing empathy in Turkish society toward Armenians? Estukyan: Yes, it did. In the background of that empathy, there is the fact that the state’s official policies were no longer convincing for people. If the state had not adopted policies of denial, Dink’s murder could have been just another killing of a journalist. But at the moment that he was killed, 72 million in Turkey knew that he was killed because he was an Armenian. Why him but not other Armenians? Because he was telling the truth. The funeral ceremony clearly showed people’s reactions. Friends of Hrant ask: Who killed Hrant Dink? “And let us give the answer. It was an ‘official’ collective will that killed Hrant. Those who hold this will are brutal, coward and deceitful. They cannot come to light; they cannot dare to show themselves. “Remember the ‘Cage’ plot unearthed in the depths of the deep state. Remember how Hrant’s murder was defined as an ‘operation.’ “They are also trying to take us into their darkness, us -- the friends and lovers of Hrant demanding justice. They want to leave us breathless in the dust of court files, they want us to get weary of following the trials, they want us to feel despair in our pursuit of justice. We will not do so. We cannot afford it.” Do you think those feelings of empathy still exist? Estukyan: The initial euphoria died out after a while, but such events can be turning points in people’s lives. I saw a reflection of this in a column by Taraf writer Hilal Kaplan, who referred to Dink as “Hrant Abi” [brother Hrant]. She wrote that she was deeply affected by two events in her life: One is that she went to the university she wanted but was expelled because of her headscarf, and the second one is the murder of Dink. She further explained why she refers to Dink as “Hrant Abi,” someone she did not even know before his death. She wrote that she read all of Dink’s writings after his murder and felt close enough to call him “Hrant Abi” and that she feels so sorry that she never met him. By attending his funeral ceremony, she wrote, she felt like she was doing a meaningful thing in her life. Therefore, we can say that some people, especially intellectuals, have had similar experiences. But back to your question, if we are talking about the general public, I don’t think that that is the case. Some people who were at Dink’s funeral three years ago now think that the investigation into generals under the Ergenekon case is a scam by Islamists. There are paradoxes in Turkish society. Since Dink traveled abroad before his death and his ideas were being closely observed, how was he perceived there? Estukyan: With surprise, because he was an unconventional man. He would say that Turks are very good people but the state policies were fascist. For a typical Armenian who has never been to Turkey or never had contact with a Turk, that was not acceptable because he or she would think of Turks and the Turkish state as one. One positive that came out after Hrant’s death is that Turks and Armenians in Germany and France came together for memorial activities. Ever since Turkish people moved to Germany as workers -- and there were some Armenians among them -- Turkish and Armenian associations have avoided organized social activities together. So it is significant that they do this now. It is the success of Hrant’s words, which have been internalized by some people. Seropyan: Turkey has recently been talking about Mehmet Ali Ağca’s [who murdered Turkish journalist Abdi İpekçi and attempted to assassinate Pope John Paul II] release. I noticed on television last night that cameras showed Abdi İpekçi Street, and I asked myself why the İstanbul City Council chose not to rename Şafak Street, where Hrant was murdered, “Hrant Dink Street.” There have been comical explanations for that by the city council, including that postmen would have difficulties finding the street if its name were changed. This happened despite the fact that the İstanbul mayor comes to our commemorative activities for Hrant. There were similar problems when we had an initiative to construct a subtle memorial at the place where Hrant was murdered. I refer to this because your question was in regard to perceptions in Europe. In Marseilles, there are 16 streets named after influential Armenian people. There is also a street in Marseilles bearing Hrant’s name. In Paris, there is a school named “Hrant Dink.” In Armenia, there is a lecture room at a university named “Hrant Dink.” 18 January 2010, Monday YONCA POYRAZ DOĞAN İSTANBUL My link

“Top secret” document on Hrant Dink’s murder revealed “CNN Turk” televised an important document on Hrant Dink’s assassination which was carefully banned and not attached to the case. One of Hrant Dink’s family’s lawyers Bahri Belen has introduced the document recently. It was announced that the document having “top secret” note on it was sent to Istanbul court of serious crimes by the former chief of Drabzon security service Ramazan Aqureq. CNN Turk quotes the document as saying. “Ogyun Samasti who murdered Hrant Dink was met by Orhan Ozbash, Turan Meral and Qaan Gercheq in the station. Sali Hajisalioglu who provided the bullets is arrested and sent to Istanbul court. Djoshqun Igji who was arrested in Drabzon is currently set free by Istanbul state prosecutor’s office.” My link

“100 years ago we were 20% of this country, now we are not even one per thousand” In Turkish only Arat Dink at the commemoration Also check Nedim Sener’s detailed account of several layers of institutional negligence prior to the assassination. Nedim Sener is a researcher / journalist who has been sued two times in separate courts for his book “Hrant Dink and Intelligence Lies” -they are trying to sentence him with 28 years combined. Whereas Ogun Samast and the like are being tried for 20 year only. Add to this the fact that most of the police and gendarmerie personnel are not even investigated or brought to court at least as witnesses. http://video.ntvmsnbc.com/?95580#v016092076132149111239186134212238113143109012123

TURKEY IS TRYING TO DICTATE TO ARMENIA By Lee Jay Walker The Seoul Times Jan 22 2010 S. Korea The passages of time never heal completely when such crimes have been committed and the aggressor refuses to either admit to such barbaric crimes or makes lame excuses all the time. Despite this, Armenia entered talks with Turkey in the hope of solving long held problems and in the need to stabilize the region. However, leaders in Turkey are still trying to dictate and they are putting pre-conditions down on a conflict which is outside their remit. This applies to the ongoing crisis in Nagorno-Karabakh and the dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Yet this issue involves Armenia and Azerbaijan and it is not up to Turkey to decide the fate of Nagorno-Karabakh. Yes, Turkey, just like the Russian Federation and Iran, and other regional nations and nations who are also concerned about this issue, does have a right to be concerned about regional problems but it must be "an honest broker" and not dictatorial. After all, would Turkey be happy if Armenia stated that Turkey must handover land to the Kurds or return land to the Armenians, Assyrians, and other ethnic groups who were "cleansed" in the early 20th century? It also must be remembered that Turkish military forces are still based throughout northern Cyprus and this is the problem with Turkey. For it appears that the leaders of Turkey suffer from historical amnesia. Also, nationalism is still a potent force within the major institutions of Turkey. If we look at the founding father of modern day Turkey, Kemal Ataturk, then it is clear that he himself supported the destruction of Christianity via the Armenian, Assyrian and Greek Christian genocide of 1915. Therefore, it is clear that Turkish nationalism and secularism is tainted by its anti-Christian nature and also its anti-Kurdish nature. After all, the nation state of Turkey was about Turkish nationalism and secularism did not protect the religious or ethnic minorities of this diverse nation. Some people in Turkey play "the religious card" and ply the mantra of Muslim brotherhood. However, this is also hollow because tens of thousands of mainly Muslim Kurds have been killed over the last few decades and many Kurdish villages were also destroyed. Also, the Alevi are a Muslim minority group in Turkey and they also face discrimination and massacres have taken place against them from time to time, for example in 1993 you had the Sivas massacre when radical Sunni Islamists killed many innocent people. Turning back to recent times the Foreign Minister of Armenia, Eduard Nalbandian, was very frank about the ongoing problem with Turkey. He stated that "Had there been preconditions, we would not have started this process and reached agreements in the first place." Nalbandian continued by stating that "If one of the parties is creating artificial obstacles, dragging out things, that means it is assuming responsibility for the failure of this process," and this can be seen to be a tacit warning to Turkey about the ongoing problems involving Armenia and Turkey. However, the Prime Minister of Turkey, Tayyip Erdogan, stated in October 2009 that "Turkey cannot take a positive step towards Armenia unless Armenia withdraws from Azerbaijani land [...] if that issue is solved our people and our parliament will have a more positive attitude towards this protocol and this process." Erdogan also stated that "We will bring the protocol to parliament but parliament has to see the conditions between Azerbaijan and Armenia to decide whether this protocol can be implemented." Yet according to Alexander Iskandaryan, director of the Caucasus Media Institute in Yerevan, he makes it clear that "The Turkish side needs to play to its domestic audience. Erdogan and other political figures have made such statements often enough [...] It's a fact that neither the word Karabakh nor Azerbaijan appears in the documents that were signed." Nalbandian also commented in January 2010 that "If Turkey takes a step back, then this will be not only a violation of the agreements with Armenia but will demonstrate that it is not respecting the international community's opinion, with all resulting consequences and the loss of credibility in the first instance." He continued by stating that "Armenia, on the other hand, will -- let's not say win -- not lose anything that we had before this process." Therefore, outside nations need to put more pressure on Turkey in order for "a new chapter" to begin between Armenia and Turkey. The Nagorno-Karabakh issue is indeed serious, however, this dispute is between Armenia and Azerbaijan and the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. Also, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis must be resolved by all the parties involved and by both regional and global institutions which have a vested interest in solving this complex problem. However, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis is a separate issue and Turkey can't claim otherwise because this issue was outside the signed agreement between Armenia and Turkey. The genocide of Armenians and other Christians in 1915 is an historical fact and the same applies to massacres which took place before and after this date. Turkey can never erase this history, however, this nation can start "a fresh chapter" which is based on sincerity and genuine friendship with Armenia. Therefore, do the leaders of Turkey desire friendship and honesty or is nationalism too embedded within the mindset of the political elites of this nation? My link

Dear friends, The exhibition is open in Paris now. We should bring him here!! here are the fliers My link here are some images My link Sireli Yeghpayrs – Sevgili Kardesim – My Dear Brother Orlando Carlo Calumeno Koleksiyonundan Kartpostallarla 100 Yil Once Turkiyede Ermeniler Sergisi Paris, 28 Ocak – 2 Mart 2010 Exhibition: Armenians in Turkey 100 Years Ago With the Postcards from the Collection of Orlando Carlo Calumeno Paris, 28 January – 2 March 2010 bir Osman Koker ve Birzamanlar Yayincilik sergisi an exhibition by Osman Koker and Birzamanlar Yayincilik

So here's a story...... That started with... "Top 5 Things I Hate About Armenians 1. They buy cars exclusively from countries notorious for genocide but still complain about said genocide. 2. First to figure out that Ed Hardy air fresheners are cheaper than Ed Hardy colonge. 3. Indians leave Trial of Tears, Armenians leave trail of Sunflower Seeds. 4. The fact that they publish a hate filed comedy newspaper at UCSD. 5. Because there aren't enought relevant things about Armenians to finish this list." TELL ME WHAT YOU THINK...I WANT TO KNOW YOUR REACTION UPON READING THIS.

This propaganda is driving me crazy and what upsets me even more is that "intellectuals" are taking this bs seriously.

Armenians in Ethiopia - A Vanishing Community http://keghart.com/node/560 By Scribd Garbis Korajian, a personal friend and a reader of Keghart, brought to my attention an essay about Armenians in Ethiopia. Reportedly, the material was used for a PhD thesis by a Swedish author. Unfortunately, a search did not reveal his identity. Having personal knowledge of the community, I find the concluding remarks very relevant. To view the essay in its entirety, please click at Scribd where this and the following posting entitled Ethiopian Armenians In their own words are transcribed from. Sentiments of gratitude are extended to the unknown author. Anybody who is familiar with him please contact Keghart. [?] Patapan’s book and Ashot Abrahamian’s monograph about the history of Armenians in Ethiopia - not utilized by the author – contain additional and important information - Dikran Abrahamian What I find interesting in anthropology is migration in particular – how it affects culture and erases ethnic boundaries. What I find most interesting are just those groups that find themselves in the middle, the ones one never thinks of: those that live in our midst – the groups that prove to be exceptional. My interest in social anthropology has always been in those areas that concern migration, culture and contemporary ethnicity. How people move, how cultures are changed by people in motion. I myself have roots in Ethiopia, a country that is most often connected with poverty or enigmatic Rastafarian-mystique. To write about Armenians in Ethiopia can seem rather far-fetched to the uninitiated, but I realised directly that this was what I wanted to write about. I have on a number of occasions gone by the Armenian Church in Addis Ababa but never considered why it is situated there, or even thought at all why there should be Armenians in Ethiopia; shouldn’t they be in Armenia? When we began reading about the Armenian diaspora in the A-course the pieces started falling into place. And the more I looked, the more information I also found about the diaspora, except those supposedly living in Ethiopia. One answer I obtained was that they had been dead for a long time. In an Armenian forum on the Internet they laughed at my question and answered that there are no black Armenians. I decided to find out what the situation was. What came out of my search was a picture of a very little Diaspora on the verge of extinction, one which had once been very alive but will hardly survive much longer. This made me even more interested. What had happened? Why had they suddenly become so few, and where are the remaining Armenians today? The Armenian diaspora has been documented a number of times, with the exception of the group in Ethiopia. One has most often chosen to document the Diasporas that have taken root in what we call the West. Those groups among the dispersed which choose to settle in other places are forgotten. Even for many Armenians in the diaspora, the Ethiopian group is forgotten, despite the fact that the first Armenians came to Ethiopia already in the 16th century. More followed at the end of the 19th century, and in connection with the Armenian genocide the Armenian population was reduced to just over one thousand. But today there are few Armenians in Ethiopia, and many Ethiopians have forgotten the role that the Armenians have played through the years. Ethiopia’s Armenians belong to the past, though no one has investigated what happened: there is very little research on Diasporas in the Third World. The focus on Ethiopia has been on other levels: that it is a country with an extremely rich and old history influenced by many different peoples is unknown. That there exist Swedes with different backgrounds is for most people not particularly strange; but it is more difficult to understand that – not only in the West – there are groups of people who do not live up to the stereotype. [………………………………………………………………] Conclusion The strength of the Ethio-Armenians lies in their solidarity. Through maintaining their cultural heritage and the assets that have always belonged to them, the community has through the years created an identity that will live on as long as there exist individuals to maintain it. By constantly keeping the group’s infrastructure intact, an arena for identity has continued to exist, and the infrastructure also finances that arena purely economically. It is an identity that is constantly reproduced within the group through socialisation and a common basis of values. The community’s days are numbered, since the small size of the group speak against it, and this is something that the Ethio-Armenians are well aware of. The majority of those who have remained in the country will surely stay for the simple reason that they have lived in Ethiopia their whole lives. The age of the majority is very high, and many are far too old to move and start again, as many did when the Derg came to power. Among the younger Ethio-Armenians there is no chance of reproducing within the group. Even if they marry outside the group, the Armenian identity must continue to be the dominant one in order for the group to be able to live on. This is not an impossibility, but in the long run the identity will cease existing in connection with the group’s doing so. The younger people in the group are more unsure of their future in Ethiopia, and certainly more inclined to move elsewhere. Virtually all Ethio-Armenians have more relatives outside Ethiopia than in the country itself, and with time this can be a decisive reason for leaving the country. The club, the church and the school cannot live on without dedicated individuals – but what would be the point in keeping a church if there no longer exists anyone to visit it? An influx of new individuals from the Armenian diaspora presupposes that they are basically Ethio-Armenians in order for the group’s identity to live on. [William Saroyan’s statement] ‘For when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia’ ... presupposes that there exist individuals who are willing to work for the group and its future. It is in this way that they have up to now succeeded in maintaining their identity, and constantly reproducing it through the years no matter what has happened in their surroundings. The Derg revolution strengthened the solidarity among those remaining, but at the same time the revolution decided the Armenians’ future in the country. My conclusion is that the Armenian diaspora in Ethiopia will within 30 years be but a memory. The solidarity will live on outside of the country, but if there is no immigration the Ethio-Armenian identity in Ethiopia could never live on. The group will probably never be compensated by the Ethiopian state either, and therefore a return migration is unlikely. The Armenians’ legacy in the country – businesses, buildings and perhaps even the church – will surely live on. Most of what was once founded by Armenians still remains, even if it is now owned or run by ethnic Ethiopians. The Armenian legacy will remain even if it is not referred to as Armenian, in the same way as we today in Sweden call pasta bolognese Swedish plain food. The Ethiopian telephone catalogue is full of Armenian names, though they are today borne mainly by ethnic Ethiopians. The Ethio-Armenians still living in Ethiopia are the last generation of Ethio-Armenians. When they no longer remain, the end will have come for a several hundred year Armenian presence in Ethiopia.

INTERNATIONALLY RENOWNED COMEDIAN RETURNS TO GLENDALE'S ALEX THEATRE FOR A BENEFIT PERFORMANCE Kev Orkian brings a little "Stimulus" to two Glendale non-profits - Artists for Kids and Glendale Arts After last year's overwhelming success, renowned comedian Kev Orkian is back in LA with his new STIMULUS SHOW premiering October 2, 2009 at 8pm at Alex Theatre (216 North Brand Blvd., Glendale 91203). Artists for Kids and Glendale Arts are presenting this one night only performance, with proceeds from the event going to both Glendale-based non-profit organizations. Kev made his West End debut in FAME, at London's Victoria Palace. This breakthrough performance led to a myriad of roles in some of London's biggest shows including, GREASE, BUDDY HOLLY, HAPPY DAYS, BOGGIE NIGHTS, and ME & MY GIRL, to name a few. Kev has also left his mark on a host of variety shows, including gala events for the Duke of Kent, Prince of Oman, Margaret Thatcher, Dame Vera Lynn, and various members of the Royal family. His one man show, THE ILLEGAL TOUR, played to sold out crowds in New York, Los Angeles, Sydney, Dubai, Oman, Montreal and Toronto. Kev has raised thousands of dollars for a variety of charities in the US and around the globe, including the Willow Charity for Bob Wilson, Safe hands for David Seaman, NSPCC, Armenian Orphans, BFF, various Children's hospice, Glendale Medical Association USA, Bobby Moore Fund, to name a few.

Եկէ՛ք մեր խղճով նայինք Բոլորիս է այս կանչը: Տեսախցիկ մը ունեցող, շուրջբոլորը տեսախցիկի մը ոսպնեակէն դիտել կարողացող բոլորին: Մեր խիղճով դիտենք աշխարհը: Եկէ'ք մեր խղճին տեսածները բաժնենք իրարու: Զոյգ մը աչքեր, սովորական տեսախցիկ մը եւ տեսնող, լսող, դատող սիրտ մըն է մեզ հարկաւոր, խիղճ մը միայն: Ուրեմն, եկէ՛ք մեր խղճով նայինք աշխարհին: Հարկաւոր է զոյգ մը աչքեր, տեսախցիկ մը եւ սրտի զարկը լսող խիղճ մը: Եկէ՛ք մեր խղճով նայինք: Տեսանելի դարձնենք մեր խիղճերը, հասարակաց խիղճ մը գոյացնելու համար: Ու առաւելագոյն 5 վայրկեանի տեւողութեամբ ֆիլմ մը նկարենք: Միջազգային Հրանդ Տինք Հիմնարկի «Եկէ՛ք մեր խղճով նայինք» ծրագիրը սկսաւ: Միջազգային Հրանդ Տինք Հիմնարկը բոլորս՝ մեր կեանքի ապրելակերպը բնորոշող «խիղճ»ը քննելու հրաւիրող ճրագրի մը սկսաւ: «Եկէ՛ք մեր խղճով նայինք» ծրագրին առաւելագոյն 5 վայրկեան տեւողութեամբ ֆիլմերով 1 Օգոստոս – 30 Նոյեմբեր 2009 թուականներու միջեւ կրնաք մասնակցիլ: www.filmsaboutconscience.am կայքը տեղադրուած ֆիլմերը դիտուելէ վերջ պիտի հանդիպին հանրութեան քուէներուն եւ մեկնաբանութիւններուն: Միջազգային Դատակազմը պիտի ընտրէ լաւագոյն 20 ֆիլմերը որոնց մէկտեղումէն գոյացող 90 վայրկեան տեւողութեան նոր ֆիլմ մը պիտի արտադրուի՝ որը պիտի յանձնարարուի միջազգային ֆիլմի փառատօններուն:

http://www.keghart.com/node/596 Thirty Years Later Dikran Abrahamian BA, MD, Ontario, 29 August 2009 The Academic Conference on the “Armenian Genocide and International Law” in Beirut reminds the First Armenian Congress held in Hôtel Nikko of Paris. During September 3 to 6 of 1979, around 350 people attended the gathering to discuss existential matters related to the Armenian Diaspora. Incidentally, the scheduled conference at Haigazian University will take place exactly on the 30th anniversary of the said Congress. The opening statement of the final resolution of the Congress talked about the “question of existence”. It said, “Throughout our history, the Armenian existence has not been threatened as much as today. For centuries living on its ancestral lands, often under foreign yoke, [despite] being persecuted and massacred, it [the Armenian people] was able to preserve its existence … without a particular or planned effort. However, the present is different.” To secure the ongoing existence of the Diaspora, the Congress stressed the need for a “centralized” entity to represent all Armenians and co-ordinate all efforts. To this end, the resolution called for organizing “a committee of specialists” who would be instructed to prepare a “constitution”. Thirty years later, the intent of this brief note is not to pass judgment on what the Congress achieved, and the remarks are not politically motivated. Probably the slogan “hayabahbanoum” (preserving Armenianness) was so prevalent at the time that it defined the mindset of the whole assembly itself. As such, one wonders whether it did accomplish much beyond highlighting the obvious. Despite the efforts of the organizers to shed the ghetto mentality, the final resolution called only for actions within the community without reaching out to the outside world. It saw itself only in the mirror, rather than looking out through a window. Although the participants stressed the importance of the “occupied” Western Armenian lands as “the base” for people “to continue to survive”, and considered the Diaspora as the “lawful owner” of those lands, there was no mention at all to recover them. Today, it appears that they were either not aware of - which is unlikely - or simply ignored other fermentations. It was during the same time that young people turned to violence. It was probably an unorthodox method that they chose, but they eventually achieved what the Congress did not: getting the attention of the world community about the plight of the Armenians and opening the envelope of the Genocide. Speaking of the Genocide, the resolution made no mention of it either in its technical form or in some other words. That is surprising. Presumably, it was in the minds of the participants, but it was not spelled out. Almost fifteen years earlier, the 50th Anniversary of the Genocide was commemorated with robust expressions at least in Beirut and particularly in Armenia. There, for the first time, the words “Hoghere, hoghere” (the lands, the lands) were shouted in the streets of Yerevan. It is simply impossible that the participants of the Congress had no knowledge of those momentous events in the history of the Diaspora. For as long as one remembers, calls for unity have been pervasive. The Congress was not an exception. Here we are, thirty years later with no apparent unity. Did the sky fall down? Did the Armenians in the Diaspora perish? Of course, the answer varies from person to person, organization to organisation, and place to place. Yes, some communities shrunk, and others almost were lost or are on the verge of being lost. Yet, new communities flourished, with exceptional vigor and determination, more democratic and decentralized, or rather multicentric. Granted, there is the possibility of having a generation that will cease to use its mother tongue. A not so dissimilar generation, however, produced stellar scholars. They, along their colleagues from the international community drive the political agenda today. To their credit, they have accomplished a monumental task without politicizing existential matters and the recognition of the Armenian rights. The upcoming conference organized by Haigazian University and the ANC-Middle East is viewed within above historical context. Thirty years divide us from the First Armenian Congress. It is simply uplifting to see academic gatherings that dot the map from Istanbul to Yerevan, USA, Europe and beyond, dedicated to the Armenian Genocide. The scope of the discussion has expanded. It is no longer a matter of recognition. For sometime now, International law in relation to the Genocide of the Armenians has attracted attention. It is not exclusively a scholarly exercise. Politicians, lawyers, publishers and non-affiliated individual activists have discussed or taken preliminary steps in tackling the matter. For example, a workshop entitled Turkish Genocide-denial strategy and counter strategies held in Montreal in March 2007, included a session which was almost exclusively devoted to legal issues. The moderator was attorney Harry Dikranian. The works of some of the participants of the conference at the Haigazian University were under study, specifically those of Dr. William Schabas and Dr. Alfred De Zayas. Another example is the legal case of a scholar. It may set a special precedent with both local Turkish and international repercussions. The significance of pursuing legal means to attain certain objectives in the struggle for recognition and a just resolution becomes evident when the geopolitical concerns of the present time are factored in. The world is not going to change anytime soon. Globalization, a “friendlier” ringing word for imperialism, has its long-term agenda and so far is proceeding at full steam. This process is counter to the aspirations of the Armenians and many other people around the globe. It has nothing substantial to offer except some perishable goodies. Under the prevailing circumstances, along with agitation for the recognition of the Genocide by new jurisdictions, the path forward should necessarily include the courts. Understandably, at each new juncture, “what if” questions abound. Won’t legal attempts fail? Isn’t the ruling of the Ninth Circuit Court a lesson of how treacherous the legal battle can be, and how unjustly the decisions are arrived at? The answer for the moment is yes. Nevertheless, a setback of this nature has only local implications and cannot be extrapolated in kind or across expanses. It is more important to tabulate and analyze the cases in Turkey itself. That undertaking will provide clues to formulate future strategies. Expansion of recognition of the Genocide by new countries and parliaments, prosecuting deniers of the Genocide of the Armenians in Europe, the French bill, the failure of the attempts to silence boards of education in Ontario and Massachusetts, some cases not resolved to the satisfaction of prosecutors in Turkey are all heartening. They are the harbingers of a new trend, and the international courts may follow suit. Doubting may be healthy, but confidence in justice, perseverance, and hard work will ultimately prevail.

Armenians of Central America By Pablo Roberto Bedrossian MD, MBA, San Pedro Sula, Honduras, 31 August 2009 Dr. Pablo Bedrossian (cardiologist) is the grandson of Agop Bedrossian, a Genocide survivor who lived through the age of 101. Pablo's passion is to uncover the history of Armenians in Central America. He gathers bits and pieces of information during his travels, writes in Spanish and publishes on the internet. He was born in Argentina and now lives in Honduras. At present he is the marketing manager of a pharmaceutical company. The following "paper" is an English adaptation of his LOS ARMENIOS EN CENTRO AMÉRICA The presence of a small village on the Atlantic beaches known as Nueva Armenia (New Armenia) is a curiosity. It is located about thirty minutes driving from La Ceiba, the third largest city in Honduras. It is a garínagu community. They are a mixture of Arawak (original inhabitants of Caribbean islands) and descendents of African slaves in the British West Indies deported from St. Vincent Island in the late eighteenth century. They are known as Garifuna, which is the name of their language. There are also other areas in Salvador that have names related to Armenia or Armenians. In El Salvador, there is a municipality in Sonsonate district called Armenia. It is located northwest of San Salvador, near the Pacific Ocean. It has its own website. A farm called Armenia Lorena should be mentioned too. It lies in San Rafael Pie de La Cuesta, San Marcos, Guatemala, and is well known for its waterfalls of La Trinidad. It is not clear how and why these three sites received their names. Central America is one of the least populated regions by the Armenian Diaspora. According to an article from Wikipedia 30 to 40 descendants of Armenians live in Costa Rica, 20 to 50 in Guatemala and 10 to 20 in Nicaragua. El Salvador is not mentioned, nor is Panama. The paper states that some 900 Armenians live in Honduras, but cites no sources. These numbers are questionable. The Armenians of Honduras had a little joy in 2007. Marathon won the football (soccer) championship of the First Division despite the difficulties throughout the tournament. Manuel Keosseian led the team. This technician born in the Eastern Republic of Uruguay was hired in 2006. I have heard of two other Armenians. The first one was through reading the magazine that serves as an official tour guide, called Honduras Tips. It mentioned that “an American-Armenian owned a good restaurant” located near La Ceiba, Sambo Creek. I went to that place a hot afternoon in 2006. I was told that the business was sold, but the owner still lived there. Everybody knew him. When I explained the reason for my visit, he was very kind with me. He was a man in his 60s who spoke only English. He asked my name. When I said Bedrossian, he became excited and exclaimed, "it's my family name!” He told me that he was fifty percent Armenian, and did not know other compatriots in Honduras. I returned in 2007 to visit him. I was informed that he had returned to America to permanently settle there. The second case concerns an elderly woman who had died long ago. Apparently the children still live in Honduras but have no ties with Armenians. Maybe there is a third person. In September 2007, the newspaper La Prensa in its Social section mentioned a certain Manassarians. Despite the "s" at the end, it sounded like Armenians. Bureaucrats sometimes changed the surnames of immigrants when they arrived to the country. This one could have been one of the cases. I wrote to the reporter asking him about Manassarians, but I got no answer. Many of the most powerful families in Honduras are Christian of Palestinian origin. They came to the northern coast in the early twentieth century. Not only the Armenians suffered from the Ottoman yoke and persecution; many Greeks and Arabs did too. They fled the country or were driven away. They arrived with Turkish documents. Hence, here, as in Argentina, they are referred to as "Turks". However, these Paelstinians came mainly from Bethlehem and Jerusalem, and none of them want to be confused with their oppressors. Besides Honduras, many Palestinians settled in El Salvador. It is noteworthy that both the former president of that sister nation, Elías Antonio Saca, like the late opposition leader, Schafik Jorge Handal, were of Palestinian origin. Palestinians also migrated en masse to Nicaragua with Turkish passports. These immigrants were integrated into the social and business life so successfully that in Nicaragua there is an expression "There are no poor Turks”. But back to the Armenians in Central America. Ramon Gurdian, one of the descendents of Armenians in Nicaragua, is a marketing manager for a major company in Guatemala. According to him, some young Armenians arrived in the late nineteenth century to Nicaragua and made history. The brothers Santos and Gurdian Castulo settled in Nicaragua, while the third, a cousin (Arthur? Virgil?) emigrated to Costa Rica. The Ortiz Gurdian family is one of the most important economic groups in the region. In 1996, Ramiro Mayorga Ortiz and Patricia Gurdian founded the prestigious Gurdian Ortiz Foundation which is dedicated to supporting health and culture. The Museum of the Foundation is in Leon, Nicaragua. There, I inquired about the origin of the Gurdians. The guide categorically denied their Armenian origin. However, Ramon Gurdian confirmed that the brothers and their cousin came to Central America from the land of the "stone crosses" and Mount Ararat. In 2006, visiting Guatemala, in one of the largest dailies of the country I came across a very interesting interview with Samuel Berberian, dean of the Faculty of Theology of the Universidad Panamericana. This distinguished theologian, born in Argentina, expressed very profound and original thoughts. He reminded me that the Christian faith for our people is much more than a tradition: it is part of its essence. In 301 Armenia became the first country to recognize Christianity as official religion. Its history, full of martyrs, persecutions and genocide, has demonstrated the unshakable faith of the people in Jesus Christ. Berberian is often consulted by various media as an authority on ethics. There is no organized Armenian community in Central America, nevertheless there are people like Keosseian, Gurdian and Berberian who make history. Ramon Gurdian estimates that there are about 150 Armenians in Costa Rica, at least 300 in Nicaragua, 15 in Guatemala, 20 or 30 in El Salvador. The latter was the residence of Edgardo Surenian, the evangelical pastor and his family that recently went back to Argentina. Obviously, this note is not the product of a thorough research. It is rather the collection of pieces in an attempt to rebuild the history of the Diaspora. Therefore, it has an open end. I hope to meet other compatriots through communication that this note may generate. This paper may help document the contribution of Armenians to the Central American society and provide a worthy testimony of our history. Dr. Pablo Bedrossian can be reached at Pablo.Bedrossian@finlay.hn

International Conference on Genocide and International Law Concludes By Asbarez Staff on Sep 8th, 2009 BEIRUT—The two-day international conference entitled “The Armenian Genocide and International Law” organized by Haigazian University and the Armenian National Committee of the Middle East (ANC-ME) concluded on September 4. This long-planned conference began on Sept. 2, with an inaugural speech by the President of the House of Representatives of Cyprus, Marios Garoyan who stated that his presence as the guest speaker of the conference was driven by his country’s “commitment to international law, peace, security and stability, but also the determination to continue to condemn, on every possible occasion, any infringement of International Law by acts of Genocide.” During the next two days of the conference, 13 experts in the fields of Genocide and international law from the US, Canada, Switzerland, Ireland, Armenia, Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Lebanon joined more than 80 local political scientists, activists, sociologists, historians, religious leaders, educators, academicians, international correspondents, journalists and students, in taking an important step forward in addressing the consequences of the Armenian Genocide and promoting a fair perspective through international law. In a profoundly academic atmosphere, the conference covered such topics as genocide denial and recognition issues, Turkish nationalism and the politics of denial, as well as the economic aspect of the genocide and the issues of lands and assets. Within the framework of international law, the conference discussed the general topics of genocide and crimes against humanity, retribution, and preservation of the Armenian cultural heritage. More specifically, Dr. George Charaf from the University of Lebanon lectured on the problem of minorities and majorities, discussing the case of the Ottoman Empire. Dr. Ugur Ungor, from the University of Sheffield, talked about demographic engineering in the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian Genocide. Dr. Mohammad Rifaat, from the University of Alexandria, discussed the Armenian Question according to Arab sources. Dr. William Schabas from the National University of Ireland discussed the problems and prospects of the Genocide and international law, 60 years after the International Genocide Convention. Dr. Alfred De Zayas, from the Geneva School of Diplomacy and International Relations, elaborated on the issues of justice and international law regarding the Armenian Genocide. Khatchig Mouradian, a Ph.D. candidate in Genocide Studies at Clark University, lectured on the Armenians, Raphael Lemkin and the UN Convention. Dr. Taner Akcam’s paper entitled, “Turkish Nationalism and the Armenian Genocide Issue in Turkey Today” was presented in absentia. Dr. Ragip Zarakolu, Vice President of Human Rights Association of Turkey, tackled the issue of Genocide denial and law in Turkey. In the same context, Dr. Seyhan Bayraktar, from the University of Zurich, covered the evolution of the Armenian Genocide denial in the Turkish Press. A PhD. Candidate, at John Hopkins University, Bilgin Ayata discussed Kurdish-Armenian relations and the Armenian Genocide. Dr. Roger Smith, a professor emeritus of government at the College of William and Mary in Virginia, lectured on professional ethics and the denial of the Armenian Genocide. Dr. Henry Theriault, from the Worcester State College, discussed restorative justice and alleviating the consequences of genocide. And finally, Dr. Richard Hovannisian, from UCLA, covered the issue of universalizing the legacy of the Armenian Genocide. The sessions were moderated by Dr. Arda Ekmekji, Dr. Naila Kaidbey, Giro Manoyan, Dr. Rania Masri, Dr. Joseph Bayeh, Dr. Ohannes Geukjian, Antranig Dakessian and Dr. Haig Demoyan. Haigazian University President, Rev. Dr. Paul Haidostian said that such conferences will always keep the Genocide issue alive, giving an increasingly growing international momentum to it. Haidostian said that “the topic of Genocide, and this conference in particular, will hopefully open the door to further academic studies and research, activating deeper study in the economic, social and legal aspects of inter-state relations.” On the sidelines of the conference, public lectures were held spanning over three evenings on related topics. Conference organizers announced that the presentations were expected to be published in a volume. The inaugural session of the conference took place at the hall of the First Armenian Evangelical Church of Beirut. Among the capacity audience were present Minister Alain Tabourian, representing the Lebanese President Michel Suleiman, Parliament Member Hagop Pakradouni, representing the Parliament Speaker Mr. Nabih Berry, Minister Jean Oghasabian, representing the President of the Council of Ministers, Fouad Sanioura, Member of Parliament Sebouh Kalpakian, representing the appointed President of the Council of Ministers, Saad Rafic Hariri, Parliament Member Shant Chinchinian, ambassadors of the United Kingdom, Cyprus, Uruguay, the Czech Republic, President of the Union of Armenian Evangelical Churches in the Near East, Rev. Megrdich Karagozian, Prelate of the Armenian Apostolic Church of Lebanon, Bishop Kegham Khatcherian, the president of the Armenian Protestant community in Syria, Rev. Haroutune Selimian, representatives of embassies, Armenian and Lebanese political parties, cultural associations, former members of parliament and ministers, religious leaders and guests of the conference. Haigazian University’s public relations director Mira Yardemian welcomed the audience, noting that “this conference is being held at a time when world politics and indeed the relations between Turkey and Armenia are witnessing significant change, a season of breaking news.” In his message, the President of Haigazian University Rev. Dr. Paul Haidostian emphasized that “the Armenian Genocide is not simply an Armenian problem but essentially an international burden.” Haidostian added that, “the victim carries a strong sense of ownership of pain, but human civilization cannot be considered as highly developed if it does not embrace a sense of advocacy for the victimized.” Speaking of Genocide, Haidostian drew the attention to four key points. First, “that injustices of any nation against any other nation are part of the same human manifestation of evil that require joint, and effective global action.” Second, “that this international conference convenes in a country, Lebanon, which continues to be a unique land of dialogue and culture despite the ever-present seeds of misunderstanding.” Third, giving the example of Haigazian University, and more specifically, giving the name of Armenag Haigazian, a victim of the Armenian Genocide, Haidostian emphasized, “our calling has been and continues to be standing up for new life not only for Armenians but especially for our Arab brothers and sisters, and really, all people of the world.” Finally, Haidostian explained that given the fact that this conference is being held at a university it reminds us that no academic community can be value-neutral. “A university may be a neutral medium of dialogue, but it is essentially a forum of passion for deeper knowledge, responsibility, and enlightenment.” In her message, Executive Director of the ANC-ME, Vera Yacoubian, spoke about the efforts of the Armenian National Committee in highlighting the important role of the Armenian community throughout the Middle East and its coexistence with it surrounding Arab and Islamic communities and the efforts it invests in addressing the Armenian question with all its historical, political and judicial implications to public opinion. Yacoubian expressed hope that this conference would provide a significant breakthrough in analyzing the Armenian Genocide given the fact that it brings together a large group of specialists in the arena of genocide and international law and because that this conference is taking place in a region which is still suffering the its Ottoman inherited values. Regarding Turkish-Armenian relations, Yacoubian noted: “we cannot ignore or disregard recent developments and address these pending issues without resolving past history between the two nations.” Yacoubian added that “indeed Turkish-Armenian relations carry the heavy burden of the Armenian genocide and there is high level of doubt and mistrust regarding Turkish intentions.” Yacoubian concluded by questioning that in the context of these developments, what are Turkey’s responsibilities towards the acknowledgement of the Armenian Genocide and the future of the Armenian Question. Garoyian expressed his gratitude to the organizing bodies, expressing that his presence here is driven by his country’s “commitment to international law, peace, security and stability, but also their determination to continue to condemn, on every possible occasion, any infringement of International Law by acts of Genocide.” Garoyian reiterated the fact that “on the one hand, governments and parliaments should act together and closely cooperate in terms of assessing the progress made with regard to the implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and identify measures to be taken at all levels. On the other hand, it is the States that must cooperate for the prevention and punishing of those responsible for the crime of Genocide.” Garoyian questioned the role that Turkey is playing as mediator, peacemaker and peacekeeper, in the wider Middle East, while Turkey continues to deny the truth of the crimes perpetrated by its Ottoman predecessors. He noted that Cyprus has always stood by the side of the Armenian people in regard to their struggle for the recognition of the Armenian Genocide. In 1975 the Cyprus House of Representatives was one of the first Parliaments in the world to adopt a resolution calling the atrocities inflicted upon the Armenians in and around 1915 as genocide. Garoyian added that Cyprus and its people have many more reasons to understand the injustice of the Armenian Genocide due to, “the implementation of Turkey’s policy of ethnic cleansing against Cyprus’ population during the 1974 invasion and the continuing occupation of 37 percent of Cyprus’ territory.”

I have met and interviewed Osman Koker, he is an extraordinary man.

Sireli Yegpayris/ My Dear Brother by Osman Koker and Bir Zamanlar Yayincilik will be shown in Yerevan, Cinema Moscow by 15th of September with the organization of Civilitas Foundation.