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Parliamentary Elections


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By Edik Baghdasaryan

 

 

According to a June 22, 2006 Government Decision, 1,177 square meters of

land at the intersection of Abovyan and Tumanyan Streets out of a 1,415

square meter plot belonging to the State Committee of Sport was allocated

free of charge to the Armenia's Oligarch Number One, member of parliament,

president of the Multi Group Concern, president of the National Olympic

Committee of Armenia, and founder of the Prosperous Armenia political

party, Gagik Tsarukyan.

 

This decision is a classic example of corruption (incidentally, the

text of the decision has not been published on the government website).

Tsarukyan is erecting so-called "elite" apartment buildings in various

parts of Yerevan. One of them, for which Tsarukyan paid the state a

trifling sum, is right near Republic Square (See photo).

 

Another is on Abovyan Street and a third, as indicated in the June 22nd

government decision, shares an address with the Sport Committee.

This building is nearly complete. The fact that the government decision

was issued only on June 22, 2006 means that the construction was being

carried out illegally until very recently.

 

 

The Armenian authorities have a special attitude toward this oligarch.

All his businesses have been handed over to him with great care so as

to spare him any unnecessary expenses.

 

Remember, for example, how he acquired the Yerevan Wine and Cognac

Factory. A foreign company had expressed readiness to pay $7 million

for the factory, but the Diaspora-Armenian owners of the factory had

to sell it to Tsarukyan for $800,000.

 

The taxation agencies avoid disturbing this businessman. According to

our calculations, the Tsarukyan-owned Ararat Cement Factory conducts

50 percent of its business in the shadows.

 

This is the "prosperous future" for the Republic of Armenia that the

leader of Prosperous Armenia, Gagik Tsarukyan, envisions.

 

http://www.hetq.am/eng/politics/0607-bh.html

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Tycoon Rejects Oppositionist’s Conspiracy Theory

 

By Ruzanna Stepanian

 

Gagik Tsarukian, a wealthy businessman playing a growing role in Armenian politics, on Monday dismissed a conspiracy theory about his burgeoning Prosperous Armenia party that was voiced by a prominent opposition figure.

 

Opposition leader Artashes Geghamian alleged earlier in the day that Tsarukian set up the party more than a year ago to avoid assassination at the hands of Defense Minister Serzh Sarkisian.

 

“They had hired a hitman to kill Gagik Tsarukian,” Geghamian said, referring to Sarkisian and his controversial brother Aleksandr. “The case was solved.” He said President Robert Kocharian was informed of the alleged plot before sacking the chief of Armenia’s National Security Service in 2005 and ordering a crackdown on Aleksandr’s businesses.

 

“Naturally, people realized what a terrible situation will arise in Armenia if, God forbid, Serzh Sarkisian, becomes president of the republic,” claimed the outspoken oppositionist. “That is the reason why Prosperous Armenia was set up.”

 

Tsarukian was quick to reject the allegations as “absurd.” “His stories have nothing to do with reality,” the pro-Kocharian tycoon said in a statement sent to RFE/RL. “If Mr. Geghamian has some political problems, then he had better not try to solve them by turning other political figures and forces against each other through a provocation.”

 

A spokesman for the governing Republican Party of Armenia (HHK), of which Sarkisian is a leading member, likewise laughed off Geghamian’s allegations. “This is absolutely ridiculous,” Eduard Sharmazanov told RFE/RL. “We do not intend to react to such unserious statements.”

 

The dominant view among Armenian politicians and commentators is that the establishment and rapid growth of Prosperous Armenia is part of Kocharian’s strategy of retaining a key role in government affairs after the completion of his second and final term in office in 2008. The party already claims to have about 400,000 members as a result of what its critics see as a massive vote buying.

 

(Photolur photos)

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This is the only time when they (candidates) actually do something :)

 

Now they will take care of some community issues. Pawing the roads, donating equipment to the schools etc etc.

 

Until the election.

How about that governmental figure I forgot his name now who practically stole the 9 hectars of land with the trees that the money was sent by diasporan Armenians. How about that Error. Amot irents, irav amot. These are trees for electricity for the poor people of Armenia. What right do they have to steal the people's money???? Amot.

 

By all means, yes, they should start making the AR a better place to live, and they should pay the school teachers more money for a better education. It's important for the new generation's education and throughout college too.

 

These are the things that the new candidates should concentrate on and to STOP THE CORRUPTION!!!!!

 

 

 

 

 

Edited by Anahid Takouhi
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TWENTY SEVEN POLITICAL PARTIES AND ONE ALLIANCE NOMINATE

 

The deadline of nominating candidacies at the Central Electoral Committee (CEC) has expired.

 

Total of 27 political parties and one alliance as well as 172 candidates for majority list have been nominated.

 

According to timeline of CEC, the parties and candidates of majority list must submit documents for registration, which will continue until March 28.

 

www.panorama.am/

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REPUBLIC PARTY SAYS BOYCOTTING NA SESSION A MATTER OF PRINCIPLE.

 

Suren Sureniants, political board member of Republic party, said the party failed to meet the expectations of its voters. This means that "the constitutional order is not recovered in the country and Robert Kocharyan and Serg Sargsyan continue to rule."

 

Sureniants said his co-fellows demonstrated the highest principles by boycotting the activities of the National Assembly. In his words, Aram Z. Sargsyan, has even refused taking his deputy salary.

 

If the upcoming elections are faked, the party will take a decision to participate or not in the NA sessions. Sureniants believes that the public will put trust in them because of boycotting.

 

Source: Panorama.am

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At last! Recognition! ;)

(Just watch out for Yerevant, he will see me as a rebellious revolutionary or something. I am very loyal to H.M., you know...:))

I know only too well Zartonk King!!!!!!

 

And don't worry, you are never rebellious... never!!!

 

 

Edited by Anahid Takouhi
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Հերիք եղավ էս ընտրություններին ես էլ եմ գելերի կողմից:

 

Անցած անգամ իմ գառնուկ ընկերները անցել էին գելերի կողմը ու, գեղամիջում՝ նրանց կողքին կանգնած գառներից մեկը մատով ինձ կանչեց ասելով՝ , ''գառ ջան արի հլը տենամ ու՞մ ես ձենդ տալու'':

 

Ասի - ''դու՞ ով ես - ես մերոնց կողմից եմ'': Ասելս գիտի - կողքի գելերը վրա տվեցին կաշիս մաղ արին՝ չկերան քանի որ ձենս վռազ պետք էր:

 

 

Էս գելի ''ընկերը'' ընկածս տեղը ոտքը վրես դրեց ասելով՝ ... ''դե գնա իմացի ես ով եմ՝ հետո էլ թե՝ էս տարի գառը 25 000 դրամ արժի փողը կառնես կեթաս էս իմ ընկեր գելին կընտրես՝ թե հանկարծ խաբես՝ մինչեւ հնտրությունները խորովածի մատերյալ կդառնաս: Իսկ թե բախտդ բերի ու մինչեւ մյուս ընտրությունները սոված գելի չհանդիպես՝ ձենիդ համար մյուս անգամ 40 000 դրամ կտանք՝ ''ոչխարն էդ արժի'':

 

 

Ես էլ հիմի քցե-բռնե ու որոշել եմ էս անգամ գել ընտրել՝ համ 40 000 դրամը կստանամ՝ համ էլ գեղամիջով գելերի հետ ֆռֆռալուց սաղը ինձնից կդողան ու թե որ գելերի աչքն էլ մտնեմ՝ կարող ա էն ոտը փորիս դնող ''օչխըրին'' շուտով գելերի բերանը քցեմ՝ մեկ ա ուշ թե շուտ սաղս էլ ընդեղ ենք ընկնելու:

 

Իմ սիրելի ընկեր գառներ հասկացեք՝ ճիշտը էս ա:

 

 

 

Edited by GevorgP
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RETIRED GENERALS SPICE UP ARMENIAN ELECTION CAMPAIGN

 

By Emil Danielyan

 

Thursday, March 29, 2007

 

 

Three retired army generals have added an element of intrigue and uncertainty to political life in Armenia with their separate decisions to stand in the parliamentary elections scheduled for May 12. Two of them resigned from the military for that purpose last month and are widely regarded as pawns in a complex game played by Armenian President Robert Kocharian’s likely successor, Defense Minister Serge Sarkisian. What propelled the third, more ambitious ex-general to the political arena is less clear.

 

All three relatively young men rose to prominence during the 1991-94 war in Karabakh when they commanded Armenian military units that successfully fought Azerbaijani forces for control of the disputed territory. One of them, Samvel Babayan, was promoted to the rank of general and appointed commander-in-chief of the Karabakh Armenian army at the age of 26. He was among the top Armenian and Azerbaijani officials who put their signatures on a Russian-brokered ceasefire agreement that stopped the war in May 1994.

 

The truce enabled Babayan to quickly establish himself as Karabakh’s most powerful man, dominating local politics and controlling much of the local economy. Babayan’s star began to fade in late 1999 when he lost a bitter power struggle with Arkady Ghukasian, president of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and was dismissed as Karabakh army chief. A few months later, he was arrested and charged with masterminding a botched attempt on Ghukasian’s life. Babayan flatly denied the charges as politically motivated but was subsequently convicted and sentenced to 14 years in prison.

 

Babayan’s early release from jail in September 2004 took many Armenians by surprise, fuelling speculation that he was set free in return for agreeing to help Kocharian deal with his political opponents. Whatever the truth, the mustachioed former car mechanic moved to Yerevan and became involved in Armenian politics immediately after his liberation. In 2005, he set up a party called Dashink (Alliance), which claims to be in opposition to the Kocharian administration. The party, mistrusted by some leaders of the Armenian opposition, has since been aggressively expanding across the country with an eye toward the upcoming parliamentary elections.

 

Babayan, now 40, openly threatened last year to use force against anyone who would try to steal votes from Dashink. He also set up arguably the most exciting head-to-head contest in the race by deciding to run against a brother of Sarkisian, also a native of Karabakh, in a constituency in southeastern Armenia. Whether this challenge is the result of a long-running feud between Babayan and Sarkisian or Kocharian’s reported efforts to hold his powerful defense minister in check is not clear.

 

Things became even more uncertain after newspaper reports earlier this month said the Armenian authorities are considering barring Babayan from running for parliament on the grounds that he has not lived in Armenia for the past five years, something which is required by law. This was followed by the brief detention of several Babayan aides by the National Security Service, the Armenian successor to the KGB, on suspicion of illegal arms possession. Babayan, who was also reportedly interrogated by NSS officers, has since refused to talk to journalists.

 

Another general who has entered the fray, Artur Aghabekian, has much in common with Babayan. He, too, is a Karabakh Armenian who was a prominent field commander during the war with Azerbaijan. But unlike the former Karabakh strongman, Aghabekian has always been a figure close to Sarkisian. From 2000 until last month, he served as deputy defense minister, overseeing Armenia’s growing military cooperation with NATO, particularly the United States.

 

Aghabekian was relieved of his duties and discharged from the Armenian Armed Forces in order to contest the polls on the ticket of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF, also known as Dashnaktsutiun). (He has long maintained close ties with the nationalist party represented in Kocharian’s government.) The development prompted talk of Sarkisian offering to have the ARF nominate Aghabekian for the post of defense minister in the event of his victory in next year’s presidential election. That would presumably be a strong incentive for the influential party to endorse Sarkisian’s presidential bid. Aghabekian has pointedly declined to deny these rumors.

 

The third general-turned-politician, Seyran Saroyan, seems to harbor more modest political ambitions, despite having been a key member of the top army brass. The 39-year-old, who cuts an intimidating figure with his burly physique and reddish beard, resigned as commander of Armenia’s Fourth Army Corps last month to register his candidacy in a single-mandate constituency south of Yerevan. Saroyan holds sway in the area covering the town of Echmiadzin and surrounding villages together with another top army general and deputy defense minister, Manvel Grigorian. The two men are also the top leaders of the Yerkrapah Union, a politically influential organization uniting thousands of Armenian veterans of the Karabakh war.

 

Saroyan has already been endorsed by the governing Republican Party of Armenia (HHK), of which Sarkisian is the de facto leader. According to some observers, his participation in the elections results from the party’s decision to ditch a disgraced HHK parliamentarian who is seeking reelection in the same constituency while being prosecuted on charges of fraud and hooliganism. But others suggest that the ruling regime has simply found a way to remove Saroyan from the military and thereby isolate Grigorian. The latter opposes major Armenian concessions to Azerbaijan and has a cordial rapport with some opposition leaders.

 

While Saroyan and Aghabekian are all but assured of parliamentary mandates, Babayan’s political future is rather uncertain. His and his party’s electoral performance should either turn him into a major actor on the Armenian political scene or spell an end to his ambitions. It might also shed more light on the character of the current relationship between Kocharian and Sarkisian.

 

(Aravot, March 14; 168 Zham, March 8, 13; RFE/RL Armenia Report, March 13; Zhamanak Yerevan, January 27)

 

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