joseph parikian
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Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic
joseph parikian replied to Shahumyan's topic in Republic of Armenia
My friend FREEDOM dose not come easy North Korea is comunist Do you prefer to live in North Korea or Armenia Be honest -
Comments on US media, Al-Jazira and the US in Iraq
joseph parikian replied to Dan's topic in International
By my friend America-Hye -
http://www.aypfm.com/ Press on " hyeren " then on the radio player image
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Comments on US media, Al-Jazira and the US in Iraq
joseph parikian replied to Dan's topic in International
I agree NO NO Noway I found that the first time i read your posts Hey stay hear we mite not like your comments sometimes , we dont agree within our selfs MOST of the time , thats why they call us ARMENIANS -
Comments on US media, Al-Jazira and the US in Iraq
joseph parikian replied to Dan's topic in International
You did not respond to my post i like to know if what i said was wrong I know " putting mony where the mouth is " is not easy You should see what gose between me and Americ-Hye , i am still here i hope he is too No one asked you to leave I was asked to go back to Jordan -
Comments on US media, Al-Jazira and the US in Iraq
joseph parikian replied to Dan's topic in International
Quoted from Phantom ============================================================= Finally, I want to say something about this war in Iraq. I find it ironic that an Armenian who wants the world to recognize the Genocide can also be against this war in Iraq. As an Armenian, I personally support this war, not for the false reasons given by the lying war hawkes who forced this war on the American people, but because Saddam had to be removed, plain and simple. The man committed a genocide against his own people, and he would have no problems doing it again. This kind of person should not be allowed to remain in power, and the world powers should make it their responsibility to ensure that such genocidal maniacs do not commit further genocides. If the U.S. or Great Britain or France had stepped in to prevent the Turks from exterminating us, so many of our ancestors would not have died. That's why I support this war in Iraq, and that's why I supported the war in Afghanistan against the Taliban, who were also bad people. I realize that our government isn't engaged in these wars for the sake of protecting the powerless victims of these brutal regimes, but I don't care. We removed a genocidal maniac, and even if it was for the wrong reasons, it was the right thing to do. ================================================================= Amercas hands are not so clean , remember all the dictators that America saported or helped to instole one ex. " penochet " in Argantine Or the history of "Grate Britaine " and how many dictators they created in Africa South East Asia Please read history of the British in Egypt,South Yemen Iraq and Palestine The French in Marocc , Algyria , Tunisia and Syria the Italians in Libia and Ethuopia The British when enterd Iraq during WW1 fought the Shea the Sunni and the Kurds and untill they left in 1958 never created democracy in Iraq all they wanted was OIL OIL OIL Correct me if i am wrong -
Comments on US media, Al-Jazira and the US in Iraq
joseph parikian replied to Dan's topic in International
If any one here blieves in a cause should join the army and go and help in Iraq or Afganistan . It is easy when other peoples kids are dying and not yours . To Armo77 who came from iran now is the time to show your preciation to the country that took you in and gave you every thing you should pay back by doing the obove . -
Call it MIRACLE , if our survival is not a MIRACLE then some one tell me what els you call a MIRACLE . Dont underastemate our nations RESILIENCE . We are still here and will be here till the second comming . http://www.mugzy.s5.com/Armenian_Pride2.jpg
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Then how come they also have manged to piss off the Kurds, Greeks, Serbs, Germans, and everyone else around them? You think the greeks want to form "aliance" with the turks? You think the kurds want to be buddy buddy? What world do you live in? ... maybe in one of those parallel universes that Domino is always talking about. Sip you forgot the Arabs , yet to fined one Arab that is not pissed off . You can see the reaction in Iraq to their ofer to send troops
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http://www.gratefulness.org/candles/images/bigcandle_lit.gif LETS LIGHT A CANDLE 15 YEARS AGO: REMEMBERING December 7, 1988 An earthquake measuring 6.9 on the Richter scale, having its epicentre the village of Spytak near Gyumri (Leninakan) kills more than 25,000 people
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Cleard by joseph parikian
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http://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/party/party-smiley-020.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/party/party-smiley-020.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/party/party-smiley-015.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/party/party-smiley-020.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/party/party-smiley-020.gif
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http://www.vi.nl/images2/6/b/6/1997566673_1999999643_HakobianAra01_192-221.jpg Hakobian: 'verdediger' met 45 doelpunten 24/11/2003 13:06 De Armeense aanvaller Ara Hakobian is voorlopig lijstaanvoerder in de strijd om de Gouden Schoen, het Europese topscorersklassement dat Voetbal International wekelijks publiceert. De international van FC Banants sloot het seizoen af met 45 doelpunten, een nieuw nationaal record sinds de start van de Armeense competitie in 1992. Hakobian, die samen met zijn broer Aram ruim driekwart van de 89 doelpunten van FC Banants produceerde, maakte liefst zeven keer drie doelpunten in één wedstrijd. Bovendien fabriceerde hij één keer vier en één keer vijf treffers binnen negentig minuten. VI.nl sprak maandag met de 23-jarige goalgetter, die nadrukkelijk aast op een lucratieve transfer naar een West-Europese club. Liefst 45 goals in één seizoen, dat is zelfs voor Armeense begrippen een topprestatie. Hakobian: 'Klopt. Ik ben erg trots op dat aantal. Ik heb er het hele seizoen keihard voor gewerkt. In 1998 en 2000 was ik ook al topscorer van Armenië met respectievelijk 20 en 21 goals, maar de 45 doelpunten van dit seizoen maken pas echt grote indruk.' Zijn de doelpunten veelal een resultaat van jouw individuele klasse? 'Ik heb aardig wat doelpunten helemaal zelf gemaakt. Ik ben snel, moet het veelal hebben van mijn techniek en sta vaak op de goede plaats. Maar uiteraard heb ik ook veel te danken aan de rest van het team. Met name de samenwerking met mijn broer Aram verliep uitstekend. Samen hebben we dit seizoen liefst 65 keer gescoord in de Armeense competitie.' Wil je na dit succes terugkeren naar het Oekraïnse Metalurgs Donetsk, de ploeg die jou dit seizoen uitleende aan FC Banants? 'Da's moeilijk te zeggen. Ik had bij Metalurgs een conflict met de toenmalige trainer Semen Altman, die me nota bene als verdediger wilde opstellen! Daarop ben ik verhuurd aan Banants. Hoewel het me hier goed bevalt, zal ik hoogstwaarschijnlijk terugkeren naar Oekraïne. Maar ik wil eigenlijk hogerop. Ik denk dat ik de kwaliteiten heb om voor een goede en degelijke West-Europese club te spelen.' Je koppositie in de strijd om de Gouden Schoen is in ieder geval goede reclame voor jezelf. 'Ik moet zeggen dat die eerste plaats op de Europese topscorerslijst me inderdaad enorm trots maakt. Voor mij persoonlijk is het een fantastische prestatie, maar ook voor heel Armenië heeft dit een positieve uitstraling. Dit is een grote eer voor het hele land.' http://www.vi.nl/vi/show/id=59547/listcont...55298/sc=7c1557 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Maybe Arpa can translate to English
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God bless you Domino And where is .......nasty to read those documents written by muslem turks
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PREWAR PLANNING Iraqi Leaders Say U.S. Was Warned of Disorder After Hussein, but Little Was Done By JOEL BRINKLEY and ERIC SCHMITT Published: November 30, 2003 AGHDAD, Iraq, Nov. 29 — In the months before the Iraq invasion, Iraqi exile leaders trooped through the White House, the Pentagon and the State Department carrying a message about the future of their homeland: without a strong plan for managing Iraq after toppling Saddam Hussein, widespread looting and violence would erupt. Advertisement "On many occasions, I told the Americans that from the very moment the regime fell, if an alternative government was not ready there would be a power vacuum and there would be chaos and looting," said Massoud Barzani, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party and a longtime ally of the United States. "Given our history, it is very obvious this would occur." Similar warnings came from international relief experts and from within the United States government. In 1999 the same military command that was preparing to attack Iraq conducted a detailed war game that found that toppling Mr. Hussein risked creating a major security void, said Gen. Anthony C. Zinni, who headed the command. But as Pentagon officials hurriedly prepared for war last winter, they envisioned Iraq after the fall of Mr. Hussein's government as far more manageable. That miscalculation and the low priority given to planning for the aftermath of Mr. Hussein's fall have taken on new significance with the recent wave of deadly attacks and the Bush administration's abrupt decision this month to accelerate its timetable for transferring control to the kind of Iraqi authority that leading exiles were calling for a year ago. The exiles were among the most energetic cheerleaders for the war, and critics of the Bush administration have accused some of them of skewing the facts in the process. But more than a dozen of the leaders who have returned to Iraq said in interviews here that they had also warned about the chaos that could follow. The fact that the administration embraced their encouragement to go to war but apparently discounted their warnings is an insight into the Pentagon's prewar planning. "I told them, `Let there not be a political vacuum,' " said Kanan Makiya, an Iraqi author and college professor who said he had consulted with several senior administration officials and met twice with President Bush. In many ways the war plan drove the postwar plan, senior military officials said. Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld demanded that the invasion force be kept as small as possible, prompting his commanders to build an attack plan based on speed and surprise. Any recommendations for sending more troops to maintain order afterward would probably have collided with the war plan, the officials said. Besides, the plan for after the Iraqi government fell assumed that Iraqi troops and police officers would stay on the job — an assumption that proved wrong. "The political leadership bought its own spin," said one senior Defense Department official involved in the planning, in part because it "made selling the war easier." Senior administration officials acknowledged that they had considered these warnings before the war, but defended their judgments. "The United States government did extensive, detailed contingency planning for post-Saddam Iraq," said Sean McCormack, a spokesman for the National Security Council. The Pentagon developed plans to cope with catastrophes that did not occur, like widespread oil field fires and large-scale refugee flows. The shortcomings in the planning became immediately apparent to some exile leaders after Baghdad fell. Rend Rahim Francke, who on Nov. 23 was appointed Iraq's ambassador to Washington, said: "When people started looting and the Americans just watched, what it did was legitimize lawlessness. `It's O.K. No problem.' And we are still suffering from it now." Iyad Alawi, leader of the Iraqi National Accord exile group, said, "I am not sure there was any strategy." In fact, the Army's Third Infantry Division said in an after-action report that when it arrived in Baghdad it had no instructions, no mission statement. "Despite the virtual certainty that the military would accomplish the regime change, there was no plan for oversight and reconstruction, even after the division arrived in Baghdad," the report said. For years the passion of Iraqi exile leaders was not just freeing Iraq from Mr. Hussein but also figuring out what would become of Iraq after he was gone. They wrote papers and held conferences. Most of them had not visited Baghdad for decades, and they carried on their work from the United States, Britain or Kurdish-controlled areas of Iraq. Starting in the fall of 2002 they received calls to meet with officials in the State Department, the Defense Department, the Central Intelligence Agency and the White House, including Mr. Bush. They hardly spoke with a unified voice, or presented a single clear strategy for how to avoid the current conditions in Iraq. Some of them were self-interested, promoting a war that could bring them new power. Critics of the Bush administration have pointed to Ahmad Chalabi, the leader of the Iraqi National Congress, as an exile who fed the officials exaggerated information to encourage the invasion. But Douglas J. Feith, the under secretary of defense for policy, said in an interview that "while there's been a caricature of D.O.D. talking to Chalabi, the fact is we talked to lots of Iraqis." The common warnings of unrest from the exile leaders were partly drawn from Iraq's history. Some made the point, for example, that looting had accompanied other leadership crises in Iraq. After the Persian Gulf war of 1991, looting was rampant in "liberated" areas, Iraqi officials said. "The pillaging and looting was unbelievable," said Barham Salih, premier of the southeastern part of the Kurdish-controlled region of Iraq. The exile leaders were hardly a lone voice. Leaders of aid groups said they also warned about a lack of security in Iraq after the fall of the government. Kenneth H. Bacon, president of Refugees International and a former Pentagon spokesman, said, "It should have been expected." In fact, it had been. The 1999 war-game exercise, which envisioned an American-led military overthrow of Mr. Hussein, "surfaced a lot of problems," said General Zinni, the former chief of the United States Central Command. But none perhaps as serious, he said, as the security void that would follow the collapse of Mr. Hussein's rule in Baghdad. Some of the exiles said they told American officials that the void would be partly filled by the Iraqi police officers and elements of the Iraqi Army, which they said would remain in place, but only if an Iraqi-led provisional government was appointed. "The people would see that another government had been established, and they would have had confidence to stay in their jobs," said Mr. Barzani, a member of the Iraqi Governing Council. The American-led occupation authority appointed the Iraqi Governing Council instead, but United States officials have said that one reason it has not been more effective is discord among representatives of various factions of Iraqi society. But to Iraqis, one reason for the troubled occupation is discord within the United States government. "This country fell victim to the intense struggle within the U.S. government over Iraq policy," Mr. Makiya said. Last fall, experts from the State, Defense and Treasury Departments and other agencies began writing the outlines of plans for dealing with potential civilian crises in postwar Iraq, establishing a new government and other issues. But, officials said, the White House failed to resolve a feud between the State Department and the Pentagon over which department would oversee the mission, a fight that was settled only in January when Mr. Bush chose the Pentagon. One issue in the feud was what kind of provisional government would be established. The Pentagon favored an authority led by Iraqi exiles, but the State Department was skeptical that exiles like Mr. Chalabi, who had not lived in Iraq in decades, could lead effectively. The planning that did occur for Iraq after the Hussein government fell relied on several pivotal assumptions that turned out to be wrong, including the expectation that parts of the Iraqi Army and police force would remain intact. Mr. Feith, the Pentagon under secretary, said the assumptions about the police were based partly on a C.I.A. assessment that predicted that the force would "have respect even after the regime went away." The police never showed up. Within the military, planning for the peace was a low priority. An early team assigned to that mission, Joint Task Force 4, was an understaffed orphan among the war-plotting teams churning out battle plans, military aides said. In the end, administration officials appeared to have formed their views by picking and choosing from the advice offered. Mr. Makiya cautioned about the political vacuum, but also told Mr. Bush that American troops entering Baghdad would be greeted with "sweets and flowers." In a speech just days before the war began, Vice President Dick Cheney said American troops would "be greeted as liberators." The dangers of the political vacuum were real, Mr. Makiya said. As for the sweets and flowers message, he now says, "I admit I was wrong." http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/30/internat...d=all&position=
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Commentary Bremer Imperator and the backlash of hubris in Iraq In the annals of imperial hubris one historical episode continues to mesmerize, helping somewhat frame the American experience in Iraq. It is the British rout in Afghanistan in 1842, after the governor-general of India, Lord Auckland, decided to overthrow a competent Afghan ruler and replace him with the empire’s own, far less impressive, favorite. The aim was to thwart Russian ambitions in Afghanistan ambitions that had, ironically, earlier been frustrated by the very man Auckland sought to oust. For almost three years the British remained in Kabul, protecting their man, until the Afghans revolted, forcing the occupiers into an appallingly bloody retreat. The last act of the drama was played out in the Khyber Pass, from which a single Briton exited alive. Comparing US fortunes in Iraq with Britain’s fiasco in Afghanistan is excessive. However, what is not is drawing a parallel between the behaviors of imperial stewards who, confronted with cultures they little understand, prefer to resort to imperious injunctions and the use of force. Much like Auckland, the chief US administrator in Iraq, Lieutenant Paul Bremer, has deployed apparent strength of will in recent months, only to see it disintegrate in the face of a culture he cannot master. This comes to mind after reading a report in the Washington Post earlier this week that Bremer underestimated the power of a fatwa issued in June by Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, in which the cleric called for general elections to select those who would draft a new Iraqi constitution. Bremer initially ignored the religious ruling, preferring to appoint the drafters, despite the disagreement of many in the Iraqi Governing Council. As he told visitors two months ago: “Is the political structure of Iraq going to be in the hands of one man?” Bremer was forced to backtrack, however, when he realized the weight of Sistani’s fatwa. The Coalition Provisional Authority and the Governing Council recently agreed that a new constitutional council would be elected following the handing over of sovereignty to a provisional Iraqi government next year. The newspaper story confirmed this devastating portrait of Bremer by the former Lebanese minister, Ghassan Salameh: “A month ago, many Arab newspapers carried … a photograph of Bremer Imperator … sitting alone on what looked like a three-meter-high throne, watching the first Iraqi soldiers graduate. Many in the Middle East thought the caption should have read: ‘The viceroy looking down in satisfaction on his praetorian guard’ … (Bremer) is smart, dedicated, well traveled and charming, at least when he has the patience. Although he was certainly not versed in things Iraqi, he learns rapidly and makes up his mind quickly (sometimes with negative effects that he tries, painfully, to correct later).” Bremer surely realizes that the knives are out for him. An earlier victim of the turn in the wheel of fortune was retired General Jay Garner, Bremer’s predecessor. He must have taken some satisfaction in telling the BBC on Wednesday that the US had made a number of mistakes in Iraq. He opined: “On my part I would certainly (have) done a better job on having communications with the Iraqi people,” and underlined that the Coalition could have done more to quickly restore electricity after the war by shipping in large generators. Most severely and this was a dart aimed solely at Bremer he argued the US should have speeded up the establishment of an Iraqi government. Observers have suggested in recent weeks that the Bush administration needs a fall guy in Iraq. Bremer would seem to be the prime candidate. The verdict is premature, however, since Bremer remains the sole guarantor of the balance of power between the administration’s departments vying to shape Iraq policy. His removal would open a bureaucratic can of worms on a new appointment. Furthermore, Bremer has become de facto manager of the transfer of power to the Iraqis next year, so that his recall would merely tarnish the process. Nevertheless, it is likely that these are Bremer’s last months in office. A new Iraqi provisional government next year will require a new viceroy, particularly one reflecting the supposedly more balanced relationship between the US and a sovereign Iraq. With that in mind, it is necessary for the administration to begin searching for a replacement who can help overhaul American political behavior in Baghdad, and do so in a way that is both more versatile and attuned to Iraqi political and cultural sensitivities. Bremer’s repeated backtracking he now wants to urgently rebuild an Iraqi military force after having unwisely dissolved the army; and to quickly set up a sovereign government after having earlier rejected such an option has wasted valuable time. His replacement should not have to turn Iraq into a private classroom. The success of the US effort in Iraq is too vital to leave to someone who will confuse self-confidence and arrogance. As he picked up the pieces of his ill-advised Afghan adventure, Auckland is said to have remarked, “The whole thing was unintelligible for me.” The Bush administration’s priority today must be to ensure that neither Bremer nor his successor will ever be able to utter such a wretched phrase. Michael Young is opinion editor of THE DAILY STAR. His weblog is www.beirutcalling.blogspot.com Copyright©Daily Star http://www.lebanonwire.com/0311/03112918DS.asp
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Mosjan , i know i am little late but for two dayes i could not log to the HyeForums finaly to day i log through another chanel I was trying to log from Armenians com it did not work But to make it short I AGREE WITH YOU WE HAVE ALL TO STOP If just i am not threatend by one individual who is trying to deport me I am not able to sleeeeeep man
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Can someone translate the first post pleeeeeeeeeeese
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Again another chiledish respons Are you sure you can do that because there are milions upon milions of US who are waiting to be deported
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If this is the best you can do to change peoples attitude towords " gayes and Jews " then you are failing and you are NOT helping them America-Hye Are you sure you finished college if you did i think you learn nothing about how to WIN an argument or change ones mined or feelings One advice from this high school graduate To win an argument you have to stay cool and control your emotions and temper and try to do better in chousing your words my Friend??????
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From Reuters http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?t...storyID=3908350 http://wwwi.reuters.com/images/amdf416122.jpghttp://wwwi.reuters.com/images/amdf415445.jpg Turkey Identifies Suicide Bomber Through DNA Fri November 28, 2003 12:47 PM ET (Page 1 of 2) SAVUR, Turkey (Reuters) - Turkish authorities said Friday DNA tests had revealed the identity of one of the suicide bombers in this month's spate of attacks in Istanbul, which killed 61 people and wounded hundreds more. Security officials in southeast Turkey said Habib Aktas, a Turkish national long suspected of militant Islamic leanings, was the driver of a truck laden with explosives that exploded outside the Istanbul headquarters of London-based bank HSBC on Nov. 20. The British consulate was also struck that day in a similar attack, and a total of 32 people were killed in the twin blasts. Five days earlier, attacks on two Istanbul synagogues killed 29 people. Police have identified the synagogue bombers as Turkish nationals Mesut Cabuk and Gokhan Elaltuntas. Shadowy groups with links to Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network have said they were responsible for all four bombings. "It became clear that Aktas was the bomber after a blood sample taken from his father matched his," a security officer said, speaking on condition of anonymity. Police detained his father and two brothers, and they were taken to Istanbul for questioning, the official said. Dozens of others remain in police custody in connection with the bombings, and 20 people have been charged with belonging to and aiding and abetting an illegal organization. Six people sent to the state security court Friday were released without charge, the Anatolian news agency said. LONG SUSPECTED Aktas, 27, came from Savur, a town of 7,000 people in Mardin province near the Syrian border. He had been detained in the past for suspected ties to Hizbullah, a militant group that is not connected to the Lebanon-based organization Hezbollah. Authorities said Aktas had moved to Istanbul, where his wife and two young children remain. Aktas' marriage portrait, shown to Reuters by security officials, depicts a woman wearing an Islamic-style headscarf ......
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Hey watch it those " ESHEG ARMENIANS " can kick hard Prefer to be called " Esheg " than " Gay "
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http://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/musik/music-smiley-019.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/musik/music-smiley-019.gifhttp://www.click-smilies.de/sammlung0903/musik/music-smiley-019.gif
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Agree with you 100% specialy "Miathel mnatseler ethrantsits oknutsyune uzenk. "
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nice indeed was last years something like 4million? If the number of Armenians in the world is around 6,000,000 thats one doller per person
