Edward Djerejian

[MJ]

US considering naming special Mideast envoy

 

By Janine Zacharia

 

WASHINGTON (April 20) - The US is onsidering resurrecting the position of special Middle East envoy, a sign the US may be deepening its mediation role in the region, diplomatic sources and people familiar with the discussions in Washington say.

 

The administration is said to be weighing two people for the job of Middle East envoy: Edward Djerejian, a former ambassador to Israel and Syria, who now serves as director of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy at Rice University in Texas; and Richard Haass, director of policy planning at the State Department.

 

State Department and White House officials are discussing whether the position should be folded into the State Department's Near East Affairs Bureau or if it should have the status of a presidential envoy, as did the

post held by Dennis Ross during the Clinton administration.

 

"It's very likely that in the not-too-distant future they are going to name a

senior envoy whose role will expand or contract depending on how much work there is to be done," said an administration source in Washington.

 

The official cautioned, however, that discussions are in a preliminary stage

and that no final decision is expected for several weeks.

 

Word of the possible appointment accompanied several signs this week that the US is stepping up its involvement in the region.

 

President George W. Bush telephoned Prime Minister Ariel Sharon on Wednesday and yesterday called Syrian President Bashar Assad. Administration officials said both leaders agreed with Bush on the need to exercise restraint.

 

While Bush and Secretary of State Colin Powell have been in contact with Middle Eastern leaders, until now most of the day-to-day diplomacy has been handled by US diplomats in the region.

 

Powell's swiftly issued and strongly worded statement following the IDF's incursion into Gaza also seemed to signal that the US is planning on becoming more engaged, analysts said. And Assistant Secretary of State for Near East Affairs Ned Walker told reporters in Amman this week: "We are actively engaged with the parties individually. We will be more engaged in the future."

 

A State Department spokesman left open the possibility of the appointment, but said nothing has been decided. "As the secretary aid in his confirmation hearings, if we ever reached a point in the process with the parties that it was determined that we needed an expansion of our efforts, he and the president would consider naming a Middle East envoy. At present we've got nothing to announce."

 

One Arab diplomat said he would be surprised if such a position is created. "Frankly, judging from the administration's thinking, I would doubt it."

 

During his visit to Damascus yesterday, Walker discussed Israeli-Palestinian

fighting and Israel's strike on a Syrian radar station in Lebanon with

Foreign Minister Farouk Shara. "We want to see restraint. We want to make

sure that this violence does not

escalate further," Walker was quoted as saying.

 

Djerejian discussed his possible appointment with administration officials

during a visit to Washington last week, one official said.

Haass has been the primary architect of Powell's current drive to revamp

sanctions on Iraq and has overseen his recent statements on the Middle East.

 

Powell would like to see the position - if it is created - remain fully under

the auspices of the State Department. A final decision, however, is not

likely to be taken until William Burns, currently US ambassador to Jordan and

now slated to replace Walker, takes up his new job in July.

 

Sources close to Sharon were not enthused at the prospect of Bush appointing

a new special envoy.

 

"Our position, and the Bush administration's position until now, has been

that the two sides need to engage with each other," one official in Jerusalem

said yesterday. "Our concern with a Middle East envoy is that the

Palestinians will again talk around us to the Americans, and not feel that

they have to deal with us directly."

 

He stressed that Israel has nothing against Djerejian, but that the very

existence of the position is a disincentive for the sides to deal directly

with each other.

 

Analysts say, however, that such an appointment may be inevitable given the

enormity of problems in the region.

 

"They are going to have to put a point man for this stuff at this point,"

said Judith Kipper," co-director of the Middle East studies program at the

Center for Strategic and International Studies.

 

Djerejian's selection would require the job to carry the rank of presidential

envoy, given his seniority in the diplomatic corps, observers say. A

spokesman for the Baker Institute declined to comment.

 

Djerejian threw himself into public view last week when he unveiled to the

press recommendations developed by the Baker Institute on US energy policy.

In that presentation, he also offered his views on what US policy should be

toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. And while in Washington, he also hosted a

panel on the role of national security advisers in the creation of foreign

policy.

 

A known expert on Syria and Lebanon, the heightened tensions along Israel's

northern border could be one of the reasons the administration may choose

him. A fluent Arabic speaker and someone close to the Bush family, Djerejian

was considered one of the top "Arabists" at the State Department. During the

previous Bush administration, he worked closely with secretary of state James

Baker to set up the 1991 Madrid multilateral peace conference.

 

While Djerejian has acknowledged that the Palestinian issue is the political core of the Arab-Israeli conflict, he firmly believes that there can be no viable comprehensive peace without a deal between Syria and Israel.

 

He told The Jerusalem Post in an interview last year that Clinton "pushed too far, too fast" at Camp David without doing the necessary groundwork ahead of time, and that he missed at least two historic pportunities to broker a peace between Israel and Syria, and Israel and Lebanon.

 

When Clinton created the position of special Middle East envoy in 1993, Djerejian was serving as ambassador to Israel. But after only a few months on the job, Djerejian felt pushed aside by Ross and resigned.

[MJ]

Institute director potential envoy

Posted on - 21/10/01 23:53

By ArmenianDaily.com

 

 

http://www.armenianforums.com/site/files/edward_djerijian2.jpg Houston, (October 20, 2001) Exhausted by the growing media attention he has been receiving lately, Edward Djerejian begins an interview about his life by easing into his chair and saying, "I'm tired of talking about my life." A former U.S. ambassador to Syria and Israel and the founding director of the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University, Djerejian has been besieged with requests to explain where the world may be headed in the wake of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks on the United States. But Djerejian (pronounced jer-RE-jian) is not simply a sideline pundit. While serving in the administration of former President Bush, Djerejian became a close associate of Bush, Colin Powell and James Baker by helping negotiate an end to the U.S. hostage crisis in Lebanon, bringing Syria on board the Operation Desert Storm coalition and hammering out a framework for Mideast peace. His friendship with Baker was a major reason Djerejian was offered the job of heading the institute named after the former secretary of state. Even though Djerejian has been in Houston for seven years, he continues to advise Powell, who is now the secretary of state, and President Bush, who considers him an evenhanded and effective diplomat. There is widespread speculation that Djerejian might be tapped for a Middle East envoy position that Bush is considering creating to try to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Not bad for the son of working-class Christian Armenian immigrants who came to America in the 1920s to flee religious persecution from Muslim Turks. "My parents never thought their son would become a diplomat representing the U.S. overseas," said Djerejian, 62. He said he was grateful that his parents were able to witness some of his accomplishments before they died. Djerejian cordially answered most media questions posed to him about the Middle East, but he has steadfastly refused to discuss the possibility of being named to the envoy position since rumors surfaced in April after he met with Powell in Washington. He agreed to an interview with the Chronicle on the condition that the issue not be brought up. Some say Djerejian's ability to keep things close to the vest is one of the main reasons why he has become one of the country's leading diplomats. "He won't stab you in the back. That's a rare talent in Washington," said Edward Walker, former assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs and former ambassador to Egypt, Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Walker, director of the Middle East Institute in Washington, worked under Djerejian in Washington. "He helps you understand some of the difficulties involved in decision-making in the highest levels of government. Because of that, he got a lot more cooperation out of people. I don't think anybody ever burned him." Djerejian quipped that he picked up some of his diplomatic skills in the tough ethnic neighborhoods of Queens, where he was born and grew up. "My family was of modest means," he said. "We lived in a tenement building. It was a very rough neighborhood with gangs. I've often said I learned more on the streets in New York about diplomacy than in the Foreign Service." Djerejian said he temporarily joined an Armenian gang as a teen-ager "because the consequences of saying no were rather grave -- let's leave it at that."

 

But his parents quickly set him on the right track. "Once my parents found out, I was either going to be killed by them or by the gang," he said, jokingly. "So I decided to pursue my studies more seriously." Trim, fit and well-groomed, Djerejian projects strength and seriousness. But what also comes through is the calmness, charisma and intelligence that has enabled him to mingle in the ranks of world leaders and head a major think tank. Djerejian is fluent in five languages: English, Armenian, Arabic, French and Russian. He said his interest in languages and foreign affairs was spurred from growing up in a bilingual household in a family where both parents came to America to flee political persecution. He graduated from Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service in 1960, and spent the next two years as an Army intelligence officer in Korea to fulfill his ROTC requirement. He joined the U.S. Foreign Service in 1962, developing an interest in Middle East affairs because he sensed "it was the future tense in terms of diplomacy," he said. In 1966, he went to Beirut, Lebanon, to study Arabic and work in the U.S. Embassy. Three years later, he was assigned to the consulate general's office in Casablanca, Morocco. "The most important thing I did in Morocco was meet my wife," he said. He said his wife, Francoise, "has been like a second envoy to all the countries I've been in" because of their shared interest in languages and foreign affairs. She speaks six languages fluently. The have two adult children. In the 1970s, he worked in Washington, D.C., served as consul general in Bordeaux, France, and attended an Army language school with his wife to study Russian. In 1979, he was assigned to head the political section at the U.S. Embassy in Moscow. He said it was "a very exciting, challenging and difficult time" because the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979 and because he was deeply involved in helping manage the Iranian hostage crisis. In 1981, he was named deputy chief of the U.S. Embassy in Amman, Jordan, where he said he developed "a very good working relationship with King Hussein." Seen as a rising star, Djerejian was tapped in 1985 as a deputy spokesman for the State Department, an unusual jump for a Foreign Service officer. A year later, he was named deputy assistant secretary of Near Eastern and South Asian affairs. In 1988, then-President Reagan appointed him as ambassador to Syria, where he stayed until 1991. "It was my most challenging post ever," Djerejian said. At that post, Djerejian helped negotiate the end of the civil war in Lebanon, the release of American hostages in Lebanon, freedom of travel for Syrian Jews, enlisting Syria in the Desert Storm coalition and drafting the Madrid Peace Conference resolution in 1991, considered the framework for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. In 1991, Bush appointed him assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs. And in 1993, then-President Clinton named him ambassador to Israel. He left Israel after nine months to start the Baker Institute. "My wife and I felt we made our contribution and perhaps it was time to try something new," said Djerejian, who often uses the pronoun "we" in discussing his major decisions. "I found out whatever negotiation skills I developed in the Foreign Service, especially in Arab and Israel relations, could apply to academics."

He said the long list of accomplishments at the Baker Institute includes a conflict-resolution program focusing on the Middle East, Western Sahara and Nagorno Karabach (Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute); an Americas Project, bringing together Latin American leaders with the Organization of American States and the Greater Houston Partnership; an energy studies program; and the Texas Institute for Society and Health, which explores public health policy issues.

 

Many world leaders have stopped at the Baker Institute.

 

"It's become a first-class public policy institution with national and international outreach," he said.

 

But some observers believe Djerejian came to Houston because he was frustrated at being forced to play a lesser role in Middle East affairs. In 1993, Clinton named Dennis Ross as a Middle East coordinator focusing full time on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This effectively took the "crown jewel" of Middle East diplomacy out of the bureau headed by Djerejian, said a well-connected Israeli journalist who did not wish to be named.

 

The observer said many people feel Djerejian was given the Israeli ambassadorship as a consolation prize, but he may have already made up his mind to come to Houston.

 

Djerejian dismissed the theories as Washington gossip.

 

Some observers, including Laurence Kaplan of the New Republic and Commentary magazines, claimed that Djerejian was poorly received in Israel because of his pro-Arab leanings.

 

The Israeli journalist disagreed, saying Djerejian was a "congenial fellow" who did not engender animosity.

 

Daniel Pipes, director of the staunchly pro-Israel Middle East Forum in Philadelphia, said the prospect of Djerejian, or anyone else, being named Middle East envoy would be detrimental to Israel.

 

"The Clinton approach was talk, talk, talk," Pipes said. "Bush's approach was, `That didn't work, let's not push that any more.' In the last few weeks, he is seeming to be returning to the Clinton approach."

 

After taking office in January, Bush initially pursued a more hands-off approach in the Middle East conflict than Clinton. In March, Bush said he would "not try to force peace," explaining the Israelis and Palestinians should be allowed to work out their differences on their own timetables.

 

But by April, diplomatic sources in the United States and Israel said Bush was considering creating an envoy position, with Djerejian being the top candidate. Recently, the desire to build Muslim support of U.S. attacks against the Taliban government in Afghanistan -- as well as leaked reports that Bush will soon unveil plans for a Palestinian state -- have fueled speculation that the president will create the position.

 

Some pro-Israel observers feel such a move may be a sign that Bush is wavering in his support of Israel's right to defend itself and in his demand that Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat curb attacks against Israelis before peace can be negotiated. Djerejian, like Powell and Baker, believes negotiations must be restarted quickly to address Israel's security concerns and Palestinian demands for a country.

 

In July's Baker Institute Report, Djerejian wrote, "It is clear at the time of this writing that the immediate task of the Arabs, the Israelis, and the international community on the Israeli-Palestinian front is to reopen the channels for dialogue. ... "

 

 

Last week, New York Times columnist William Safire wrote, "What, if any, is the role of James Baker, Brent Scowcroft and Edward Djerejian in trying to persuade Bush to appease `the Arab street' by pressuring Israel to give up its own war on terrorism?"

 

But Djerejian, known as an "Arabist" in foreign affairs circles because he served primarily in Arab countries, rejected the notion that he would be unfair to Israel.

 

"When you assume a position of responsibility, especially when you're involved in sensitive issues, you're always going to be characterized by various groups with certain points of view," he said.

 

"All I can say is, I was the first American ambassador to go from Syria to Israel, and by so doing, we helped break the perception that if you're an Arabist you're pro-Arab, and you if serve in Israel you're pro-Israel.

 

"The first country we serve is neither an Arab country nor Israel, but the United States."

---

by Ron Nissimov

 

Source: Houston Chronicle

[alpha]

It’s quiet disappointing to have a diplomat with Armenian heritage to head an institute (Baker Institute) that promotes policies that promote the agenda of our archenemy, Azerbaijan. One of recommendations of Baker Institute is the following:

 

Increased multilateral efforts to promote conflict resolution on the status of the territory of Naborno-Artsax should be pursued. Greater efforts should be made to implement arms control agreements in the region, and financial levers should be utilized to discourage a renewal of hostilities.The repeal of Section 907 of the U.S. Freedom Support Act which limits U.S. assistance to Azerbaijan should be considered as an inducement to Baku in return for cooperation in conflict resolution negotiations with Armenia. At the same time, Armenia should be encouraged to enter into meaningful negotiations with Azerbaijan to resolve the Naborno-Artsax issue peacefully.

 

It’s understandable that he is an American diplomat and should first of all defend the interests of US; however there are examples among American diplomats, notably Kissinger, who tried to bring together the interests of the country he represents and the country of his forefathers. He would have earned more respect amongst his compatriots if he had a more pro-Armenian stance. The examples of Armenian diplomats in Russia, Andranik Migranyan or Arsen Chilingarov, show that pro-Armenianism can earn political dividends.

[MJ]

Alpha,

I have not been aware of the statement made by the Baker Institute as referenced by you above. However, for example, I have never felt that the imposition of the Section 907 has been a meaningful or useful measure. As a matter of fact, as much as I have supported some of the campaigns of the Armenian Lobby, I have never supported the Section 907. Moreover, I have felt shame for it. This doesn't mean that I have been active or have demonstrated any initiatives in repealing the Section 907. But I have felt such a shame for some of the Armenians supporting it.

As far as your two Armenian respectable politologists operating out of Russia are concerned, I am not aware of any of their policies that are contrary to those of what you dislike. In fact, the policies that Russia pursues, and in many ways at least Mihranian is one of the architects of these polices, are quite unison with those of the Baker Institute.

[khodja]

Martin (MJ),

 

Your loyalties are coming increasingly into focus, and you dare to call me Mustafa? You appear to be more of a loyalist to the most arch-conservative elements in America than an Armenian loyalist. I am sure that you supported the current President over Senator McCain in the Republican primaries. You claim that I am transparent. I make no bones about my support for Senator Bradley last year and how ga-ga I am that we have an Armenian Democrat Congresswoman. It is you who are concealing your true loyalties. It is you who are becoming increasingly transparent. Please come clean, are you an officer of the Georgia Republican Party or of the Christian Coalition?

[MJ]

As I have recommended, you have a choice of committing suicide and liberating yourself from your misery. Additionally, if you have an impression that this forum is dedicated to partisan primaries, you are feeding yourself with yet another illusion.

 

[ October 22, 2001: Message edited by: MJ ]

[khodja]

Martin,

 

The choice that you offer me is more a statement as to where you come from perceptually than it is a statement about me.

I truly wonder who are your heroes.

[MJ]

I can assure you that you would by far not be one of them.