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Britain pulls army band from Moscow’s Kremlin Zorya Bagpipers' performance on Red Square in 2007 (photo from www.koreatimes.co.kr)

September 11, 2008, 9:44

Britain pulls army band from Moscow’s Kremlin Zorya

The British government has slapped a ban on its army bagpipers from travelling to Russia's capital this autumn, for the Kremlin Zorya. British performers were pulled from the event, in which 47 military bands took part last year, in protest at Russia's intervention in Georgia.

 

The move has been condemned by both the former head of the Edinburgh Military Tattoo, Brigadier Melville Jameson, and Vitaly Mironov, director of the Kremlin Zorya Foundation, the organising charity.

 

They accuse British Foreign Secretary David Miliband of playing politics, and wasting months of preparation for a non-political event.

 

“I’ve always thought music crosses all boundaries and in my business - of producing tattoos - we’ve always had acts from all over the world - regardless of their political persuasions," said Brigadier Jameson.

 

Jameson had to cancel his trip to Moscow, along with many other tartan-clad Scots that were expected to descend on the capital this week.

 

Ordinary people in the street find it hard to see a rationale behind this decision. They feel politics should never affect cultural ties.

 

Mikhail Lermontov, a Russian who believes he has a Scottish officer among his ancestors, is heartbroken that the festival plans had to be been shelved.

 

"Our cultural traditions and values don't depend on political decisions! They won't be able to change them no matter what they do. I went to last year's event - it was such a show - and we absolutely loved it - and those emotions are something you can't take from the people," he said.

 

The Kremlin Zorya, a non-governmental organisation, was founded with the help of the organisers of the Edinburgh Military.

 

Until the Foreign Office decision, it was a shining example of culture overcoming politics, and of the firm cultural links between Scotland and Russia.

 

Now good relations between Scots and Russians are up to London, and other important cultural links between the nations are also in jeopardy.

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U.S. envoy rejects Russian claim of secret arms to Georgia

20:42 | 11/ 09/ 2008 http://img.rian.ru/i/b_print.gif MOSCOW, September 11 (RIA Novosti) - The U.S. ambassador to Russia rejected on Thursday claims by the Russian leadership that U.S. warships recently delivered arms to Georgia under the guise of humanitarian aid.

 

In late August, following the conflict between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia, several U.S. warships docked at the Georgian port of Batumi delivering humanitarian cargo. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and several top officials said the ships, along with other NATO vessels, delivered weaponry to rebuild Georgia's damaged military.

 

"I deny the allegations I heard that the U.S. is delivering weapons to Georgia under the guise of humanitarian aid," John Beyrle, speaking in Russian, said on Ekho Moskvy radio station.

 

"This is insulting. We do not do this, it is purely humanitarian aid."

 

He also said no discussions are currently underway on restoring Georgia's military, which has received substantial U.S. support since pro-Western leader Mikheil Saakashvili came to power in the South Caucasus state in 2004.

 

"We are not holding talks on rearming Georgia, but are focusing on deliveries of humanitarian aid," the envoy said.

 

On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Defense said the Pentagon would send a team to Tbilisi later this week to assess what military support should be provided to Georgia.

 

The ambassador also criticized Russia's move on August 26 to recognize breakaway Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent countries, two weeks after it had expelled Georgian troops from South Ossetia following Tbilisi's August 8 ground and air offensive against the republic.

 

The diplomat said Moscow made a mistake in recognizing the republics, and that he had information that around 7,000 Russian peacekeepers are to remain in the republics.

 

"We are calling on Russia to withdraw its troops," he said.

 

Beyrle said Russia was violating an agreement drawn up and signed by Medvedev and French President Nicolas Sarkozy to end the conflict.

 

"We believe that the agreement signed by Medvedev obliged Russia to pull its forces back to the positions prior to hostilities, and that the presence of observation posts between [the Georgian bases of] Poti and Senaki, and the creation of buffer zones around South Ossetia and Abkhazia constitute a breach of commitments," the diplomat said.

 

Medvedev and Sarkozy agreed on Monday that observation posts between Senaki and Poti would be withdrawn in not more than seven days and that Russia's full withdrawal from Georgia will come not more than 10 days after the European Union deploys at least 200 observers in the "buffer zone" near South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which under the new agreement is set to happen by October 1.

 

Beyrle rejected any parallels between the disputed republics and the ex-Serbian province of Kosovo, which has been recognized since February by 46 states including most EU countries and the United States.

 

"Kosovo was recognized nine years after a military conflict and following a long period of UN administration rule," he said.

 

 

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Russian forces pulled out of Poti Russian peacekeepers load gear into the back of a truck in at the Georgian checkpoint in Poti (AFP Photo / Seiron Baroian)

September 13, 2008, 19:47

Russian forces pulled out of Poti

Russia's Foreign ministry has confirmed all peacekeepers have been withdrawn from two positions in the security zone outside the Georgian port city of Poti, two days ahead of schedule.

 

The withdrawal has been also confirmed by the Georgian Interior Ministry. The buffer zone between Poti and the Abkhaz border was created after the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict began.

 

Moscow says the troops were deployed to provide stability in the region after Georgia's aggression against South Ossetia last month.

 

On Monday, September 8, an addition to the Medvedev - Sarkozy agreement was signed, according to which all Russian troops have to leave Georgia prior to Monday, September 15.

 

Also according to the Medvedev - Sarkozy agreement Georgian troops have to withdraw to the positions, which they had before the conflict.

 

So far there have been no news on that.

 

After that occurs, the EU and OSCE observers will take up positions on October 1 and assume control over the region.

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News Send to friend | Print version http://www.russiatoday.com/media/news/a/48cba090a14b7.jpgVladimir Putin (AFP Photo / Alexey Nikolsky) September 13, 2008, 16:55

Putin: U.S. spoiled our relationship and should fix it

Russia is not looking to annex South Ossetia and Abkhazia and expand its territory. That's according to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who gave the assurance in an interview with France's 'Le Figaro' newspaper. Putin: Russia has always delivered on its obligations, and it is also going to do that in the future. First of all, I would like to say that the current situation that has developed is not through Russia’s fault, but through the fault of the current Georgian leadership that embarked on that bloody venture in the attack against South Ossetia.

 

Once again, I say that the actions taken by the Russian army were forced. That was in response to an armed provocation from the part of the Georgian leadership, and the murder of our peacekeepers and local residents in South Ossetia. We only went beyond the peacekeepers’ control zone because we were forced to suppress control points that were used to organize hostilities against South Ossetia, and our peacekeepers outside the peacekeeping area.

 

We had to destroy control points and radar stations that were used to counteract our air forces, and had to suppress organized long-range artillery positions that were used, among other targets, to fire at refugees who were leaving Tskhinval.

 

After the Georgian army in its current form ceased to exist, following strikes from the Russian army, our peacekeepers, reinforced by Russian Army units, only remain in the security zone that has been outlined in international agreements.

 

The Russian Federation has the largest territory in the world, and you and I realize perfectly - and I am confident that so do the readers of your newspaper - that Russia by no means needs any additional territories at the expense of Georgia.

 

We think that the agreements achieved with the European Union are extremely important. I think that French President Mr. Sarkozy, who is currently head of the united Europe, played a great personal role in that.

 

We think that the agreements achieved with the “Europe Three” will be observed by our European partners as well.

 

We also hope that observers from the OSCE, UN, and the European Union will assume responsibility in the security zone where Russian peacekeepers are now deployed. If this is done, then, of course, Russia will fulfill all its obligations, and pull its peacekeepers, even out of that security zone. However, there are obligations on the other parts, not only on Russia’s. Our European partners also have obligations. They have to assume the responsibility of maintaining security in the area. We will welcome cooperation with our European partners in that region.

 

Le Figaro: There’s another question regarding the extra observers to be sent to Georgia. Why do you deny those observers access to the territory of Abkhazia and South Ossetia?

 

Putin: We don’t, but those are sovereign states, the sovereignty and independence of which we have recognized. For any foreign observers to appear on their territory, one needs to talk to the governments of those countries first of all, not to Russia.

 

Le Figaro: You have put a special emphasis on the role Mr. Sarkozy played in achieving and executing the peace agreements. How would you characterize your relationships with the President of France?

 

Putin: They are of a very business-like and constructive nature. There has also been a more personal touch to them recently, I think. We have very kind, trustful relationships. He also does some wrestling, and we have agreed to have a training session together one day.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, in your interview to CNN on August 28th, you said there had been American soldiers standing behind Georgian troops. Have you found any proof of that information, which was only a hypothesis at the time of the interview?

 

Putin: I wasn’t talking about American soldiers. I was talking about American citizens.

 

The fact that Georgia’s army had been armed by our American partners is an established fact that nobody is going to dispute. The fact that American instructors had tried to train Georgia’s army is also a truth that nobody questions.

 

And I think even the former Georgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, a citizen of France, Mrs. Zurabishvili has publicly announced that.

 

I said that, according to our intelligence, there had been American citizens in the war zone. I said that they had been within the security zone outlined by international agreements, and there were only three categories of people authorized to be in that zone: locals, peacekeepers, and OSCE observers.

 

We have documentary proof that indicates there were American citizens within that zone who did not fit into any of those three categories. A copy of the passport of one of those American citizens was shown to the press by the Deputy Head of the General Staff.

 

Of course, we would like to know what that person and other United States citizens were doing in that zone.

 

Therefore, answering your question, I can say that yes, those hypotheses have found proof.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, relations between the USA and Russia have deteriorated significantly over the last few days. What do you expect of the new American administration?

 

Putin: I expect improvement in those relationships. They spoiled them, so they should fix them.

 

You know, in Lincoln’s time, a political figure of the day, the then Secretary of State, said that we always prefer relationships with Russia to relationships with all other European states, at least because Russia always wishes us well.

 

Of course, a lot has changed since then. Our relationships have been determined by various factors in different periods. However, whenever the world faced a global crisis, Russia and America have always emerged together.

 

That does mean something. It means that, during global crises, common interests prevail over certain differences. This was the case in World War One and World War Two. We in Russia never forget that, and we would like our American partners to remember that too.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, attacks against freedom of speech and the murders of several journalists in Russia have been the cause of special concern in Europe, and France in particular. What measures are you going to take to make sure this doesn’t happen again?

 

Putin: You know, I am more and more surprised by questions pertaining to freedom of speech and the press in Russia, especially after the events in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

 

An attentive observer couldn’t help but notice how silent the free press was, of our Western partners, when some people were under the false impression that Georgia’s aggression could end favourably for it. For two days, when it was unclear how this all was going to end, everybody was silent, and then they all rushed, as if on command, - and I think it WAS on command - to accuse Russia of using inappropriate force. This applies not only to the European press, but to the American as well.

 

As for our mass media, their number is growing. There are, I think, some 3,500 electronic mass media, and about 40 thousand periodicals. You see, they are impossible to control, even if we had the desire to. I am not even talking about the Internet, which is a free platform in itself.

 

I have already mentioned that, but you know, it would be funny if it weren’t so sad. We have watched many times the Fox News interview, with a 12-year-old girl, and her aunt, who had witnessed the attack of Georgian forces against South Ossetia. They were invited to the Fox News studio for a live show, but when they began talking about what they had really seen, they were not allowed to talk. And after that, they are trying to say there is no freedom of press in Russia, but there is such freedom in the West. You know, it’s simply not interesting anymore.

 

As for criminal actions, or any atrocities against specific persons, journalists included, they are all being investigated, and we will bring those investigations to completion. There can be no doubt about that.

 

Le Figaro: I understand your question. On the other hand, it is difficult to imagine all mass media unanimously supporting one and the same version. You have cited Fox News as an example, but there were other channels who conveyed a different point of view to the masses.

 

Putin: They didn’t. During the first day - over eight hours - everybody was silent, as if nothing was happening. I can tell you why. Everybody was waiting for the results of that aggression, thinking it might end favourably for those who had started it. Afterwards, when the Russian army took effective action, the entire propaganda machine was turned around: “disproportionate use of force”, “delivering strikes at civilian objects”, “refugees”, “Russia’s imperial ambitions”… They simply forgot the source of all that; they forgot who had “authored” the situation by arming up and attacking South Ossetia. Do you want to persuade me this was objective coverage of the event? Don’t.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, may I ask you a more personal question? What is the relationship between the new head of government and the new state leader?

 

Putin: My relationship with President Medvedev formed long ago. We have worked together for 17 years. He is a very honest person and he is well-trained professionally.

 

I am saying this with full responsibility, because he headed the Presidential Administration when I was the President of Russia. He was involved in the solving of many problems and in many issues of domestic and international politics.

 

The Head of Government has an enormous scope of work that encompasses issues of economics, society, health, and education. It also includes prospective plans for economic development until the year 2020.

 

Mr. Medvedev and I knew in advance that one of the ways to mount attacks against him would be to try to picture him as a man who is not independent. We knew that perfectly well and discussed it over a year ago. That’s exactly how it happened.

 

Let me assure you, though, that both I and President Medvedev are morally prepared for this. This was not difficult to predict a year or half a year ago.

 

All the speculation pertaining to this matter is unfounded. The head of government has its own scope of competency, which is quite substantial. The president, too, has his own capacities outlined by the Constitution. The president is the key figure in Russia’s political system, and President Medvedev does his job well.

 

That doesn’t prevent him from consulting with Parliament and members of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. But, the final decisions on the key issues of the country’s development and international affairs are up to the President of the Russian Federation.

 

Le Figaro: Thank you, Mister Prime Minister.

 

 

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News Send to friend | Print version http://www.russiatoday.com/media/news/9/48cac777c9e6a.jpgPresident Saakashvili at a goverment meeting in Tbilisi, September, 12 (AFP Photo / Irakli Gedenidze) September 12, 2008, 23:27

Post-war Georgian politics

Georgia's non-governmental organisations have urged the EU to launch a thorough enquiry into alleged human rights violations in South Ossetia. Some Georgian experts are uncertain about the political stability of President Saakashvili's government and call for early presidential elections. It’s now known that some members of the Georgian opposition were against an attack South Ossetia last August. They tried to stop President Saakashvili from rash actions and now that he failed to comply, there are calls for the Georgian leader to resign.

 

But some members of the opposition like Shalva Natelashvili the head of the Labor party thinks all is already lost.

 

"It doesn’t matter if he resigns or not - there is already permanent damage done: we have lost Abkhazia and South Ossetia for good. If Saakashvili didn’t attack Tskhinval then the Russian air force wouldn’t have taken off and the Kremlin wouldn’t have had reason to recognise these republics,” Natelashvili said.

 

Amid rumors opposition protests could begin outside the parliament Natelashvili says it’s just not worth it:

 

“We will not protest, we already protested last year and Saakashvili used chemical weapons on us.”

 

Georgia has a large opposition and their views do vastly differ. What Natelashvili calls fact may be considered far fetched by others. He says the root of last month’s conflict doesn’t lie with Georgia or Russia, but thousands of kilometers away - in Washington - which, he says, put Saakashvili in place four years ago during what is known as the Rose revolution. According to Natelashvili, a now familiar face was doing all the negotiating at the time.

 

“John McCain sat right here in this room and asked us to take part in the Rose revolution,” Natelashvili claimed.

 

The Russian envoy to NATO Dmitry Rogozin says Georgia’s connection to the US shows just how complex the situation really is.

 

“The situation in Georgia is getting more complicated. It’s proven by the fact that Nino Burdjhaidze - the former leader of parliament - has not yet returned from the United States. The Americans are likely to back her the same way they did with Saakashvili before,” Rogozin pointed out.

 

Whether early elections will be called for by the opposition is still unclear, but for now the parliament is made up of those who support Saakashvili and those who don’t.

 

The latest bill being discussed is a Georgian “patriot act”, similar to the one the US passed just after 9/11. It would give the Security services more rights and citizens fewer. Saakashvili has supported the bill while the opposition is strongly against it. One member of parliament has even been quoted saying:

“Let me listen to Saakashvili’s telephone conversations and then I’ll tell you what a makes a real Georgian patriot.”

 

 

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Es nkari mech hervic voncvor Hitler lini es apush@...

 

Russian forces pulled out of Georgia

 

Russia's Foreign ministry has confirmed all peacekeepers have been withdrawn from two positions in the security zone outside the Georgian port city of Poti, two days ahead of schedule. The withdrawal has also been confirmed by the Georgian Interior Ministry.

 

The buffer zone between Poti and the Abkhaz border was created after the Georgian-South Ossetian conflict began.

 

Moscow says the troops were deployed to provide stability in the region after Georgia's aggression against South Ossetia last month.

 

On Monday, September 8, an addition to the Medvedev - Sarkozy agreement was signed, according to which all Russian troops have to leave Georgia prior to Monday, September 15.

 

Also according to the Medvedev - Sarkozy agreement Georgian troops have to withdraw to the positions, which they had before the conflict.

 

So far there have been no news on that.

 

After that occurs, the EU and OSCE observers will take up positions on October 1 and assume control over the region.

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We did everything right, and I'm proud of it - Medvedev

President Medvedev revealed in a frank talk with members of the Valdai Discussion club how news of war in South Ossetia came to him, why Russia will not deal with drug-addicted Georgian president Saakashvili, what George W. Bush said in his latest phone call, and why he won’t let Russia turn into a state behind an iron curtain.

'I'll never forget that night'

 

“I was on vacation. They say, Russia was preparing for war – that’s a lie! The Defence Minister called me at 1 a.m. and said, the Georgians have told the Ossetians that they were starting a war. And while all those troops were moving towards South Ossetia, I took no decision and hoped those dimwits would have enough brains to stop. They didn’t! We held ourselves until they started firing rockets, shelling residential blocks, and shooting at peacekeepers. And only after that real attack I had to give an order to respond.”

 

“I’ll never forget that night. It was very hard to order the use of force, while knowing the consequences. We did everything right. And I’m proud of it. Our response was symmetrical and proportional.”

 

"There were many illusions in the early 1990's and, as the country developed, many of them just got blown away. Unfortunately the latest events mean those illusions are no more. Illusions that the world is just; that a security system based on current political resource distribution is optimal and keeps the world in balance."

 

“For me, as well as for a big part of Russian society, it was the loss of the last illusion - that the current world security system is reliable. We must create a different security system.”

 

"The world has changed almost in an instant after those events. It came to my mind that for Russia, August 8 is almost like 9/11 for America.”

 

“The war took the whole last month of my life, and there were more productive ways to spend it. We didn’t want it, didn’t want it at all! For 17 years we’ve being mending what had broken apart a long time ago. And they didn’t thank us for that – rather they started shooting at us.”

 

“Russia was not expected to react like that. Georgia got the idea: do whatever you want, Russians won’t meddle. That’s a diplomatic mistake that belongs to textbooks for diplomats. It’s a mistake, from the US side, from Georgia's side – but for Georgia it’s also a crime.”

 

George Bush would do the same

 

“I have spent so much time speaking to world leaders on the phone over the last month, my ear wouldn’t work. You know – after an hour’s conversation…”

 

“When I talked to Bush on the phone last time I told him: you’d have done the same in a situation like this, just in a more harsh way. He didn’t argue.”

 

"Bush asked me: ‘Why do you need it? You’re a young president with liberal background!’ I don’t need it at all. But there are situations where image is nothing and real actions are everything."

 

‘I don’t want to live behind an iron curtain’

 

“We discussed the rearmament of the Russian armed forces yesterday. We’ll have to change some priorities, but all the rest remains the same. We don’t need a closed, militarised country behind an iron curtain. I don’t want to live in a country like that. I used to. It was boring and dull.”

 

"They should have invited Russia into NATO a long time ago. Were they afraid? Now we’d certainly have fewer problems. That was a serious mistake. And the second mistake is that any country prepared to be rude to Russia gets the right to be in NATO."

 

"If Georgia had a NATO membership action plan by August 8, I would have done the same without a second thought. And what would the consequences have been? They would have been way more complicated."

 

"The situation was humiliating for Russia some time ago, and we can’t take it any more. It’s a difficult choice for us, but we can’t take it."

 

"I don't think the confrontation phase will last long. From our side, we're definitely not interested in this. On the contrary, we're ready to go as far as our partners will. If you look at the five principles [of Russia's foreign policy] I have named, one of them says we would like to develop friendly relations with the U.S. and other states, with Europe. We don’t want to create new alliances just to frustrate Europe and America. What's the point? There isn't any. Foreign policy should be pragmatic".

 

"The concept that the U.S. State Department embraced is pure ideology. We all need to take effort and drive ideology away from foreign policy. The current U.S. administration’s problem is that they have too many sovietologists."

 

"If you think that Russia has decided to change its vector of development, that’s not true."

 

Saakashvili is a drug abuser

“When I first met Saakashvili as a president I told him our policy regarding the territorial integrity of Georgia remained the same".

 

"He was fussing around like a pooch, saying: let’s meet and discuss, I will come to Sochi. I said: OK, let’s do it. I would be glad, maybe we’ll sign an agreement on non-use of force".

 

“Then our close partner Condoleezza Rice arrived, and the boy became like a changeling. He stopped calling, and declared 'We don't need to meet in Sochi, maybe we'll do it at the end of the year'. Well – that’s your choice. He started getting ready for war".

 

"It won't come as a surprise if I say that the decision on recognition [of the two breakaway republics] was of course made after the military action began, when we realised that there is no other way to protect the South Ossetians and Abkhazians, that once he has tasted blood, he won’t stop unless he's dealt a good heavy blow."

 

“The Georgian head of state is not just a man we won’t do business with. He’s an unpredictable pathological and mentally unstable drug abuser. Western journalists, that interviewed him not so long ago, know it! A two-hour-long interview on the high – that’s over the edge for a head of state. If NATO needs such a leader - go ahead.”

 

Asian ties bring stability to West

 

“We will do everything we can to diversify our energy routes to Asia, but with no harm done to our European partners. On the contrary, it will ensure greater stability. This is about oil deliveries, gas deliveries, and the development of nuclear energy.

 

“I laugh when I read from time to time that Russia doesn’t have enough gas to provide even European needs. We know it’s not true. Russia is a big gas nation. If we see that there’s a market in the East, we’ll develop new fields. Be sure about that. Naturally, it must be balanced and must not cause economic disasters.”

 

‘To fight legal nihilism, we need to fight habits’

 

“My strong conviction is that unfortunately, there is no understanding of the value of law in Russia. I have devoted much time to studying this area both in theory and in practice. This problem can be found everywhere: in everyday matters, in business, on the level of state employees and even on the level of the state itself. That’s why during the election campaign one of my key points was fighting legal nihilism. We do have certain advantages here. Ours is a country with a developed law system, with good law schools; a country that has been developing within the European law system for three hundred years. So the foundation is not bad. The issue is really the habits that have been acquired – this is the most difficult thing”.

 

“We understand that it is possible to create motives for non-corrupt behaviour, it is possible to put corrupt people in prison, that's not the most difficult thing, though sometimes it isn't that easy either. It’s much more difficult to make people observe the law on an everyday basis”.

 

“Let’s imagine two scenarios. A Russian businessman and a businessman from the West are offered to pay for their contract in cash. The first question that most civilised and well-prepared businessmen would ask is, what does it all mean. “Will the tax people find out? Will I be filmed by a hidden camera? Will it all end in prison for me?” The motives of a large part of our own businessmen, unfortunately, would probably be different. I can speak about such things with confidence, because unlike my predecessors I was in business for ten years. This is not because they are criminals by nature, but because they don't think that by breaking this law they are doing anything bad. “So what if no tax is paid on this money? The state isn't perfect. Why should I share with this state? It doesn't defend me, it's trying to get something out of me”. And this is where the main difference lies.

 

“I don’t want to idealise anything. Many Western businessmen would take the cash. But their number is considerably less. And this will also depend on the traditions and habits in this or that country. I won’t name any countries, we all know who has what habits. The problem is that we have lots of such habits. That’s why I think legal nihilism is one of our most serious problems”.

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Putin: U.S. spoiled our relationship and should fix it

Russia is not looking to annex South Ossetia and Abkhazia and expand its territory. That's according to Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who gave the assurance in an interview with France's 'Le Figaro' newspaper.

 

Putin: Russia has always delivered on its obligations, and it is also going to do that in the future. First of all, I would like to say that the current situation that has developed is not through Russia’s fault, but through the fault of the current Georgian leadership that embarked on that bloody venture in the attack against South Ossetia.

 

Once again, I say that the actions taken by the Russian army were forced. That was in response to an armed provocation from the part of the Georgian leadership, and the murder of our peacekeepers and local residents in South Ossetia. We only went beyond the peacekeepers’ control zone because we were forced to suppress control points that were used to organize hostilities against South Ossetia, and our peacekeepers outside the peacekeeping area.

 

We had to destroy control points and radar stations that were used to counteract our air forces, and had to suppress organized long-range artillery positions that were used, among other targets, to fire at refugees who were leaving Tskhinval.

 

After the Georgian army in its current form ceased to exist, following strikes from the Russian army, our peacekeepers, reinforced by Russian Army units, only remain in the security zone that has been outlined in international agreements.

 

The Russian Federation has the largest territory in the world, and you and I realize perfectly - and I am confident that so do the readers of your newspaper - that Russia by no means needs any additional territories at the expense of Georgia.

 

We think that the agreements achieved with the European Union are extremely important. I think that French President Mr. Sarkozy, who is currently head of the united Europe, played a great personal role in that.

 

We think that the agreements achieved with the “Europe Three” will be observed by our European partners as well.

 

We also hope that observers from the OSCE, UN, and the European Union will assume responsibility in the security zone where Russian peacekeepers are now deployed. If this is done, then, of course, Russia will fulfill all its obligations, and pull its peacekeepers, even out of that security zone. However, there are obligations on the other parts, not only on Russia’s. Our European partners also have obligations. They have to assume the responsibility of maintaining security in the area. We will welcome cooperation with our European partners in that region.

 

Le Figaro: There’s another question regarding the extra observers to be sent to Georgia. Why do you deny those observers access to the territory of Abkhazia and South Ossetia?

 

Putin: We don’t, but those are sovereign states, the sovereignty and independence of which we have recognized. For any foreign observers to appear on their territory, one needs to talk to the governments of those countries first of all, not to Russia.

 

Le Figaro: You have put a special emphasis on the role Mr. Sarkozy played in achieving and executing the peace agreements. How would you characterize your relationships with the President of France?

 

Putin: They are of a very business-like and constructive nature. There has also been a more personal touch to them recently, I think. We have very kind, trustful relationships. He also does some wrestling, and we have agreed to have a training session together one day.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, in your interview to CNN on August 28th, you said there had been American soldiers standing behind Georgian troops. Have you found any proof of that information, which was only a hypothesis at the time of the interview?

 

Putin: I wasn’t talking about American soldiers. I was talking about American citizens.

 

The fact that Georgia’s army had been armed by our American partners is an established fact that nobody is going to dispute. The fact that American instructors had tried to train Georgia’s army is also a truth that nobody questions.

 

And I think even the former Georgian Minister of Foreign Affairs, a citizen of France, Mrs. Zurabishvili has publicly announced that.

 

I said that, according to our intelligence, there had been American citizens in the war zone. I said that they had been within the security zone outlined by international agreements, and there were only three categories of people authorized to be in that zone: locals, peacekeepers, and OSCE observers.

 

We have documentary proof that indicates there were American citizens within that zone who did not fit into any of those three categories. A copy of the passport of one of those American citizens was shown to the press by the Deputy Head of the General Staff.

 

Of course, we would like to know what that person and other United States citizens were doing in that zone.

 

Therefore, answering your question, I can say that yes, those hypotheses have found proof.

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, relations between the USA and Russia have deteriorated significantly over the last few days. What do you expect of the new American administration?

 

Putin: I expect improvement in those relationships. They spoiled them, so they should fix them.

 

You know, in Lincoln’s time, a political figure of the day, the then Secretary of State, said that we always prefer relationships with Russia to relationships with all other European states, at least because Russia always wishes us well.

 

Of course, a lot has changed since then. Our relationships have been determined by various factors in different periods. However, whenever the world faced a global crisis, Russia and America have always emerged together.

 

That does mean something. It means that, during global crises, common interests prevail over certain differences. This was the case in World War One and World War Two. We in Russia never forget that, and we would like our American partners to remember that too.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, attacks against freedom of speech and the murders of several journalists in Russia have been the cause of special concern in Europe, and France in particular. What measures are you going to take to make sure this doesn’t happen again?

 

Putin: You know, I am more and more surprised by questions pertaining to freedom of speech and the press in Russia, especially after the events in South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

 

An attentive observer couldn’t help but notice how silent the free press was, of our Western partners, when some people were under the false impression that Georgia’s aggression could end favourably for it. For two days, when it was unclear how this all was going to end, everybody was silent, and then they all rushed, as if on command, - and I think it WAS on command - to accuse Russia of using inappropriate force. This applies not only to the European press, but to the American as well.

 

As for our mass media, their number is growing. There are, I think, some 3,500 electronic mass media, and about 40 thousand periodicals. You see, they are impossible to control, even if we had the desire to. I am not even talking about the Internet, which is a free platform in itself.

 

I have already mentioned that, but you know, it would be funny if it weren’t so sad. We have watched many times the Fox News interview, with a 12-year-old girl, and her aunt, who had witnessed the attack of Georgian forces against South Ossetia. They were invited to the Fox News studio for a live show, but when they began talking about what they had really seen, they were not allowed to talk. And after that, they are trying to say there is no freedom of press in Russia, but there is such freedom in the West. You know, it’s simply not interesting anymore.

 

As for criminal actions, or any atrocities against specific persons, journalists included, they are all being investigated, and we will bring those investigations to completion. There can be no doubt about that.

Le Figaro: I understand your question. On the other hand, it is difficult to imagine all mass media unanimously supporting one and the same version. You have cited Fox News as an example, but there were other channels who conveyed a different point of view to the masses.

 

Putin: They didn’t. During the first day - over eight hours - everybody was silent, as if nothing was happening. I can tell you why. Everybody was waiting for the results of that aggression, thinking it might end favourably for those who had started it. Afterwards, when the Russian army took effective action, the entire propaganda machine was turned around: “disproportionate use of force”, “delivering strikes at civilian objects”, “refugees”, “Russia’s imperial ambitions”… They simply forgot the source of all that; they forgot who had “authored” the situation by arming up and attacking South Ossetia. Do you want to persuade me this was objective coverage of the event? Don’t.

 

Le Figaro: Mr. Prime Minister, may I ask you a more personal question? What is the relationship between the new head of government and the new state leader?

 

Putin: My relationship with President Medvedev formed long ago. We have worked together for 17 years. He is a very honest person and he is well-trained professionally.

 

I am saying this with full responsibility, because he headed the Presidential Administration when I was the President of Russia. He was involved in the solving of many problems and in many issues of domestic and international politics.

 

The Head of Government has an enormous scope of work that encompasses issues of economics, society, health, and education. It also includes prospective plans for economic development until the year 2020.

 

Mr. Medvedev and I knew in advance that one of the ways to mount attacks against him would be to try to picture him as a man who is not independent. We knew that perfectly well and discussed it over a year ago. That’s exactly how it happened.

 

Let me assure you, though, that both I and President Medvedev are morally prepared for this. This was not difficult to predict a year or half a year ago.

 

All the speculation pertaining to this matter is unfounded. The head of government has its own scope of competency, which is quite substantial. The president, too, has his own capacities outlined by the Constitution. The president is the key figure in Russia’s political system, and President Medvedev does his job well.

 

That doesn’t prevent him from consulting with Parliament and members of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. But, the final decisions on the key issues of the country’s development and international affairs are up to the President of the Russian Federation.

Le Figaro: Thank you, Mister Prime Minister.

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EU sends 200 observers to the Caucasus

The EU Council has formally agreed to send 200 observers to Georgia to make sure Tbilisi abides by the Medvedev-Sarkozy peace plan. The EU observers are due to replace Russian peacekeepers in the security zone by October 1.

 

Russia, for its part will withdraw its peacekeeping contingent by October 10.

 

The peacekeepers were brought in after Georgia's aggression against South Ossetia. Russia insists the observers should only stay on the Georgian side of the border and not in the territory of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

 

Last week Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said the number of UN and OSCE observers should be the same as before August 7, 2008. Lavrov also believes the mandate of these observers should be agreed with Tskhinval and Sukhum.

 

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Punishing Russia with sanctions senseless - Medvedev

Russia doesn't want to be isolated or to take part in a new arms race, but it's also not afraid of any sanctions that Western countries may impose following the war in South Ossetia. President Dmitry Medvedev made the statement during a meeting with Russian businessmen at the Kremlin.

 

"We do not need isolation or an arms race - this is a dead-end, the road to nowhere. We will not let ourselves be worn out like the Soviet Union. However, of course we will take all the necessary measures to strengthen our defence capacity," Medvedev said.

 

He added that “if anyone tries to enforce sanctions, we realise that losses will bear a symmetrical nature."

 

Some fifty senior government officials and leaders from the business community attended the meeting in Moscow.

 

Discussing Russia’s further economic development, the President said the situation in the world has changed after the recent hostilities in South Ossetia and this couldn’t help but influence business in a range of ways.

 

”The Tbilisi regime unleashed a real war against the Ossetian people. Only thanks to the actions taken by Russia, was the war stopped. But before that, it managed to hurt Russians, Ossetians, Georgians - everyone. Thousands of people were killed or left homeless,” Medvedev said.

 

He added: “Russia not only could, but was obliged, to stop that bloodshed and defend its citizens and peacekeepers. As the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, I could not have issued any other order.”

 

Medvedev has also called on large Russian businesses to create a fund that would help South Ossetia get back on its feet after Georgian aggression in August.

 

The republics are also a source of serious business potential.

 

“The decision has been made about active participation in various economic agreements, which will be signed by the president very soon,” Viktor Vekselberg, the President of Renova Group of Companies said.

 

However, the main focus of the meeting was not Russia’s foreign policy, but the economic development of the country.

 

“Founding an international financial centre in Moscow has become a more pressing issue,” he said.

 

The President said that another strategic priority is bolstering small business.

 

”This concerns changes in the law and the way work is organised. Domestic modernisation remains our key focus. In light of the recent hostilities in Georgia we need to prepare a plan to additionally help our small businesses and all those working in the key sectors of Russia's economy,” he said.

 

Russia's accession to the World Trade Organization also made it on to the agenda. And while the business elite still want in, they also want reasonable terms.

 

“Russia still wants to be in the WTO - and the strategic importance of membership is very high. But at the same time the accession has to be on reasonable, non-discriminative conditions,” said Aleksey Mordashev, the Chairman of the Board of Severstal.

Edited by Ashot
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No trust in current Georgian regime - South Ossetian leader

South Ossetian President Eduard Kokoity plans to strengthen the border with Georgia, as he stressed his country doesn't trust Georgia's current leadership. The statement was made during Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov's visit to the newly recognised republic.

 

The Russian Foreign Minister is now in South Ossetia's capital, Tskhinval, for talks with president Kokoity after traveling to Sukhum, capital of Abkhazia, on Sunday.

 

Lavrov said that he was able to gain first hand knowledge of the condition of the South Ossetian capital, knowing that it had been nearly destroyed after Georgia’s attempts to invade the region last month.

 

The Foreign Minister also outlined the key goals of the visit, which will include the signing of a range of agreements between Russia and South Ossetia.

 

"We came here to work out a package of steps aimed to improve our relations. In the coming days we'll sign an agreement on cooperation and friendship followed by a number of deals on specific issues".

 

The South Ossetian President said his country appreciates Russia's help and spoke on the short term priorities for his country as an independent state.

 

"One of our first steps is to strengthen our border with Georgia. We absolutely don't trust the current Georgian regime. Our experience shows that Tbilisi has always violated international agreements both in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and that is particularly true when we talk about modern, so-called 'democratic' Georgia," Kokoity said.

 

The next step in developing diplomatic relations with newly independent states will be the visit to Moscow by the Presidents and Foreign Ministers of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, where they are expected to meet Russia's President Dmitry Medvedev and sign a major agreement on friendship and co-operation.

 

Georgia hides the number of war casualties

 

A source in Russian Defence Ministry says Georgian authorities have suppressed the real number of casualties from the conflict in South Ossetia, according to Russian news agency RIA Novosti.

 

According to information collected by Russian military intelligence, the casualties of the Georgian army and other security services, including police, could reach as much as 3,000.

 

“The Georgian leadership tries to hide the real scale of military losses. Our data gathered from various sources indicates that Georgia lost up to 3,000 servicemen and police in attack on South Ossetia,” said a source, also claiming that Georgia's western allies have been aware of the numbers of Georgian casualties.

 

It must be noted that the latest figures published by Georgian officials are as follows: 372 dead, including 188 civilians, 168 soldiers and 16 police.

 

These numbers in particular show the desire of the Georgians to claim more civilian than military victims, while Russia has repeatedly denied any strikes on civilians in Georgia. In spite of the fact that Georgia was internationally condemned for being an aggressor in the conflict in South Ossetia, Georgia’s leadership still have vague hopes to win the media war it is waging on Russia.

 

The source also pointed out that the high number of losses of Georgian army could be explained by the low morale of Georgian troops, and reservist servicemen in particular, claiming that many MIAs had actually fled the battlefield.

 

"Besides, many Georgian soldiers, who are accounted for as MIA, are deserters," he said. "Georgian police are still looking for these people, who simply left the battlefield."

 

Russia has officially confirmed the loss of 66 killed and at least 340 wounded servicemen.

 

Russia also claims that Georgia still hold POWs, among which could be crew members of the TU-22 bomber that was shot down by a Ukrainian-made anti-aircraft complex allegedly operated by Ukrainian mercenaries.

 

Russia Today

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MOSCOW, (RIA Novosti) - Former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev said Russia had no choice but to launch a counterattack to Georgia's offensive in breakaway South Ossetia, but it is still possible to find a political solution to the crisis.

 

"What happened on the night of August 7 is beyond comprehension," Gorbachev said in an article The Guardian published on Wednesday. "The Georgian military attacked the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali with multiple rocket launchers designed to devastate large areas."

 

"Russia had to respond. To accuse it of aggression against ‘small, defenseless Georgia' is not just hypocritical but shows a lack of humanity," he said in the article.

 

"Nevertheless, it was still possible to find a political solution. Clearly, the only way to solve the South Ossetian problem on that basis is through peaceful means. The Georgian leadership flouted this key principle," Gorbachev, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, said.

 

Gorbachev told the paper that the Georgian authorities could only undertake the offensive "with the perceived support" of a much more powerful force - an apparent reference to the United States, which has trained Georgian troops and backed the country's bid to join NATO.

 

Now that the military assault has been routed, Gorbachev said, "the Georgian government and its supporters should rethink their position."

 

Gorbachev said some Western nations' positions prevented the UN Security Council from acting effectively at the start of the conflict. He also said that by declaring the Caucasus region that is thousands of miles from the American continent a sphere of its "national interest," the U.S. made a serious blunder.

 

"Of course, peace in the Caucasus is in everyone's interest. But it is simply common sense to recognize that Russia is rooted there by common geography and centuries of history. Russia is not seeking territorial expansion, but it has legitimate interests in this region," The Guardian reported him as saying.

 

Gorbachev said the international community should in the long term seek to create a sub-regional security system to make the possibility of crises impossible, which requires cooperation with regional countries and fair and unbiased stances of nations outside the region.

 

"A lesson from recent events is that geopolitical games are dangerous anywhere, not just in the Caucasus," he said.

"Already, thousands of people have died, tens of thousands have been turned into refugees, and towns and villages lie in ruins. Nothing can justify this loss of life and destruction. It is a warning to all," Gorbachev said.

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ARMENIA COMMEMORATES VICTIMS OF SOUTH OSSETIAN TRAGEDY
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  • The Russian Embassy in Armenia organized a number of events to mark 40 days of the South Ossetian tragedy. A service for the dead was held in St. Astvatsatsin (Holy Mother of God) Church. The Russian Ambassador to Armenia, Nikolay Pavlov and the Embassy staff will light candles to commemorate the victims, the Embassy's press office told PanARMENIAN.Net. Commemoration events will be held throughout Russia today.
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Georgia violated UN charter – UN Assembly chief

Georgia commited an act of aggression and violated the UN charter by invading South Ossetia, the incoming President of the UN General Assembly said at the opening of its 63rd session. Miguel D’Escoto Brockmann, a former foreign minister of Nicaragua, pledged in his opening address to the session to dedicate his year as president to representing the interests of “the dispossessed of the world” and fostering solidarity between peoples and member states.

 

"Georgia was the one who invaded Ossetia. Look at the situation, look at how the whole thing began. I think that Georgia did commit agression against South Ossetia," said Brockmann.

 

Apart from Russia, Brockmann's native Nicaragua is the only country to so far formally recognise the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

 

Brockmann's election to the rotating presidency, as well as Nicaragua's recognition of the new republics has lately catapulted the South American country to the world stage.

 

Russia's ambassador to the UN Vitaly Churkin said Tbilisi has been asking international organisations not to offer humanitarian aid to South Ossetia if it doesn't become part of Georgia again.

 

"We mourn for the innocent deaths of everyone, regardless of their ethnic origin - peaceful Ossetians, Georgians and other people of that multi-national land," Churkin said.

 

Churkin called for the United States to issue visas to officials from South Ossetia and Abkhazia so they can attend a Security Council meeting in early October.

 

The mandate of the UN observer mission in the Caucasus expires next month, and Russia has insisted its extension is impossible without hearing from all parties in the conflict.

 

RT documentary screened at UN

 

A special report by RT's Oksana Boyko entitled 'A City of Desolate Mothers', which investigates the aftermath of the war, was shown to the audience at a commemoration event.

 

An audience of more than 100 watched the Russian-sponsored screening. Representatives of European Union member states, however, did not show up to the viewing despite receiving two separate invitations.

 

"I leave very angered that this has happened and the coverage has been so one-sided and distorted. When I read the New York Times it always speaks of Georgian suffering, very little coverage of South Ossetians," said Carla Stea, a New York based journalist.

 

International relations expert Mathew Russell Lee said he thought the documentary lacked balance, it presented facts he was unaware of.

 

"There's a piece of footage I've never seen before which was women in South Ossetia saying to Bernard Kouchner, the French Foreign Minister, laying it on strong, saying, 'They're killing us for no reason.' I wasn't aware that he went there. And I wasn't aware that he heard that. And he certainly hasn't said much about that," Russell said.

 

 

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Joy and tears as a nation is born

South Ossetians have been celebrating their newly-won statehood at a parade in the capital Tskhinval. But amid the victory day festivities, mourners gathered to remember those who died in the five-day war following Georgia’s attack last month. It is 18 years since South Ossetia unilaterally declared its independence from Georgia. But it wasn’t until last month, following another attempt by Georgia to seize the territory through force, that the tiny nation was finally recognised by its large northern neighbour – Russia.

 

On Saturday, South Ossetians are celebrating their newly-won statehood with a victory parade in the capital Tskhinval.

 

Military vehicles have been parading through the city’s streets, followed by Russian peacekeepers and a procession of children. They were carrying balloons to remember those who died in the days following Georgia’s attack of August 8, 2008.

 

The President of South Ossetia, Eduard Kokoity, has presented rewards to those who have distinguished themselves during the last year.

 

"Looking back at the events of the past and analysing them, we ask ourselves: did we have any other option, but to declare independence? Did we have any other option after being threatened by aggression, ethnic cleansing and genocide? The answer is - no we did not," Kokoity said.

 

At the Memorial Cemetery in school number five, Tskhinval, wreaths have been placed on the graves of those who died in the first conflict with Georgia between 1989 and 1992.

 

A photo exhibition called ‘August 8’, devoted to the recent war in South Ossetia, has been opened in the city.

 

Later, the city will host an evening concert featuring many Russian performers.

 

But amid the festivities, some South Ossetians feel they are still victims of the war - especially those who live in Georgia.

 

For hundreds of years, Ossetians and Georgians had been living in each other’s countries. But during the 1991 war, many Ossetians were forced to leave their homes in Georgia under threat of slaughter.

 

There are three Ossetian villages in the Karelsky district in the middle of Georgia, not far from Gori, and one of them is completely empty.

 

The ghost town has become a solution to the Georgian refugee problem, changing the demography of the region once again.

 

Georgian villager Givi Gabarashvili is preparing a plot of land in Karelsky that once belonged to Ossetians. They fled north a decade ago, seeking safety and a new life in Russia's North Ossetia. The plot will soon have new tenants - Georgian refugees.

 

“People have been coming to look at the house. The Georgian government is trying to put Georgian refugees in these empty homes,” Gabarashvili said.

 

The new Georgian residents will be arriving in the next few weeks. And while they will have new homes, the Ossetians who live in these villages could soon find themselves the new refugees of this Caucasian tragedy.

 

Makieva Dali, an Ossetian woman with a Georgian husband, says she is worried for her future.

 

“If the government wants to kick us out of here, they can go ahead and do it. I have nothing to lose. I will be the first to go. Anyway, the government doesn’t care about our villages. Our situation cannot get worse,” she says.

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Georgian cinemas blacklist Russian films

A chain of cinemas in Georgia has stopped screening films in Russian, according to the Regnum news agency. The Russian news provider didn’t name the cinema group but said the owners were protesting against what they call Moscow’s aggression towards Georgia. From now on, only films which have been translated into Georgian or with Georgian subtitles will be screened by the chain.

 

The owners also said in future they would get copies of all new films in English, in an apparent bid to promote the English language in Georgia.

 

The move to marginalise Russian films isn’t the first assault on Russian culture from Georgian sources in recent times.

 

During the South Ossetian conflict, the Tbilisi government blocked access to both Russian TV channels and Russian websites.

 

In a similar move earlier in the summer, Ukraine banned films in Russian from its cinemas despite the fact that about a half of the population speak native Russian.

 

The move has sparked protests in Ukraine.

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U.S. planning to deploy 5000 troops in Georgia 19.09.2008 17:49 GMT+04:00 http://www.panarmenian.net/news/images/ico_print.gif http://www.panarmenian.net/news/images/ico_mail.gif http://www.panarmenian.net/news/images/ico_rus.gif http://www.panarmenian.net/news/images/ico_arm.gif /PanARMENIAN.Net/ The U.S. is planning to deploy some 5000 troops in Georgia. For the purpose, Georgia can sign a military-political agreement like the one Russia concluded with South Ossetia and Abkhazia, KavkazCenter reports.

 

U.S. navy bases will be deployed in the ports of Batumi and Poti while air forces will be deployed near Gori and Marneuli. The details of the agreement will be discussed during Saakashvili’s the impending visit to the United States.

 

 

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When Fishing in Muddy Waters is Justified

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Gevorg Darbinyan September 22, 2008

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http://hetq.am/uploaded/image/articles/2005/h-0605-caucasus.jpg The allure of Armenian diplomatic \"curtsies of reverence\"

 

By signing the joint declaration made by the presidents of the member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in Moscow supporting the policies implemented by Russia regarding Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan naturally pinned his hopes on the fact that the voice of little Armenia would be drowned out underneath the alarm bells made by United States warships stirring up waves in the ports of Poti and Batumi. In other words, no one would give credence to the fact that the content of that declaration directly contradicted the main goals as stated by the President during a speech given in frontof representatives of the diplomatic corps at the ROA Foreign Ministry. That is to say that Armenia cannot recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. And no logical explanantion was given as to how Yerevan could defend the initiatives of Moscow in the Caucasus if it doesn\'t recognize the independence, something gifted by Russia, of these these two self-proclaimed states. http://hetq.am/static/images/frontend/i_print.gifprintable version

 

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This evident manifestation of a double standard, this peculiar " curtsy" of Armenian diplomacy, in essence wasn't given any weight by Georgia as well. Tbilisi didn't react at any level to this juggling act by its southern neighbor. This fact proved that the trends towards a cooling of political relations between the two nations has moved to another qualitative level. Perhaps President Sargsyan took this prospect into account when he saw fit to declare during the same Yerevan speech that by next year Armenia might possibly be importing as much gas from Iran that it receives today from Russia via Georgia (about 2.5-3 billion cubic meters). Thus, Armenia showed that it is no longer frightened by Tbilisi's threats of blackmail to raise the transit tariffs on gas coming via Georgia. Of course the Armenian-Iranian gas pipeline is an important factor in terms of energy independence and, in terms of affording Yerevan potential for maneuvering, the near completion of its construction couldn't have been more timely. However, when Serzh Sargsyan was making that declartion French President Nicolas Sarkozy had yet to sound his warning regarding the very real possibility of an Israeli pre-emptive strike against Iran in the near future.How realistic is such a development? The copllapse of Georgia's operation in South Ossetia and the unexpected severe reaction of Russia neutralized the plans of Washington to remove Russia from the lands south of the Caucasus and to turn Georgia into a springboard against Iran. The problem is that for the United States the two other countries in the South Caucasus were inconveniences in terms of executing this plan from the beginning. In the case of Armenia, due to the fact that it has a military alliance with the Russian Federation, that it is a member of CSTO, that its exit point through Iran is of vital significance and that Yerevan would never turn its territory into an assault base against Iran. As regards Azerbaijan, there is the security issue of the some 13 million Azeris living in Iran. Thus, Georgia was left as an option and Washington was disappointed as a result. Regarding Turkey, by proposing the formation of the Caucasus Security and Stability Platform and by seemingly coming to an agreement with Russia in principle on the matter, it has openly shown that it is attempting to free itself from United States influence and to assume the role of an independent and creative regional player. In addition, Turkey has already performed the role assigned to it by the U.S. in the Iraq War and by directly participating in a new assault in Iran it would ultimately risk harming its relations with the Muslim world. Thus, after losing the Caucasus as a front from which to assault Iran, the Israeli factor remains the most suitable for the U.S., which faces a host of serious internal economic problems.

 

We must also take into account the fact that the U.S. is also undergoing a crisis on various levels in terms of its foreign policies. In particular, it has not succeeded in completing its Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan nor in bringing a modicum of stability to Iraq. On the other hand, Washington's last-minute decision to support Georgia in its conflict with South Ossetia is losing public support back home due to the dissemination of facts reagrding Georgia's occupation of South Ossetia that entirely contradict official reports.. In the wake of the upcoming November presidential elections, both the authority of the Bush Administratuin and the Republicans in general is being shaken. With the aim to restore that authority it is vital to start a new campaign against the international Empire of Evil, conceived of in the very same United States, and of course which Iraq is a part. And Israel remains the most suitable candidate to pull the chestnuts out of the fire. If Israel actually goes down this road of adventurism the Armenian vision of obtaining a degree of energy independence via Iranian gas can disappear like a mirage.

 

 

What price is Armenia to pay?

Thus, no matter what, Armenia cannot turn its gaze from Georgia without trepidation. Thus the delay with which Armenian Foreign Minister Edvard Nalbandian left for Tbilisi in an attempt to clarify the reasons and peculiarities of Armenia's position and to regain a minimum level of the lost confidence. In this matter, as strange as it may seem, the decision not to recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia can possibly become an important playing card in Nalbandyan's hand. And that is not such a low price that Yerevan proposes. The problem is that the non-recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia places Yerevan within a set of severe restrictions and restricts the possibility of executin diplomatic "curtsies" in the negotiations process. By not recognizing the independence of these territories Armenia involuntarily comes across as a defender of territorial integrity or at least as giving priority to that principle. At first glance it appears that Russia, as one of the co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group in the Artsax conflict negotiations process and by granting independence to those two "countries" based on the principle of self-determionation, would have given Yerevan carte-blanche, to demand the same position from its military ally regarding Artsax. In reality, however, Moscow has no such desire. Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov made it quite clear that there are no commonalities amongst Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Artsax, given that, as opposed to the first two, none of those in the Artsax negotisations started military operations. In other words, it turns out that for Russia the right of nations to self-determination only takes precedence when military operations are involved. This is much more than an ambiguous, unprinciped approach despite it not being unexpected at all. It would really be naive to think that Russia would have recognized or defended the right of the people of Artsax to self-determination and by doing so indirectly opening a second front in the Caucasus against Azerbaijan. Such a move would have the potential risk of throwing Azerbaijan into the lap of NATO, as was the case with Kiev and Tbilisi. If this were to happen Russia could finally end up losing the entire Caucasus. Put another way, for Russia, the recognition of the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia was not an expression of its principled position regarding conflict resolution but simply rather an attempt to defend its current interests and concerns. If the opposite were true it would have had to recognize the independence of Kosovo immediately after recognizing the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. However, this didn't happen and will not likely happen in the foreseeable future.

 

 

Three levels of potential initaitives

Thus, Moscow made it clear to Yerevan not to pin any hopes on it. What is there left for Armenia to do given this situation? Essentially, there is not much left but to take advantage of the regional upheaval and, by executing a politics of activist proposals, to attempt to defend its interests along three main directions.

 

1. To take advantage of the moment and, by giving the Georgian-Ossetian example, to develop the notion in world public opinion circles that the Artsax conflict must not have a military resolution and as a calculating factor in a new geo-political situation to express a willingness with Azerbaijan and Artsax to sign off on an agreement to resolve the conflict solely through a process of negotiations. This would place Azerbaijan in a very uncomfortable position and Armenia will come out ahead, whatever the decision of Azerbaijan. On the other hand, the Georgian move to attack South Ossetia, the Russian act to unilaterally recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and the infiltration of Russian forces into Georgia, as well as the Kosovo example, conspire to develop the notion that the most effective and long-term option to settle conflicts is the implementation of referendums under the auspicies of international organizations. Armenia must, even if it only singles out this detail from the negotiatins table and by focusing special attention on it, must defend the concept by using all its diplomatic and public relations resources. And Armenia must not fear that by doing so it will indirectly call into question the results of the independence referendum that took place on December 10, 1999 in Artsax. Presently, this serves as the most important factor defending the legal basis on which the Armenian position is founded. However, in purely political terms, it doesn't possess any significance in the negotiations process since it isn't recognized by the United Nations or by any other international body. In this matter it is necessary to rid ourselves of stereotypes and to be more flexible. And for this it is difficult to imagine a more convenient time given that the Georgian-Ossetian conflict has made it clear to Azerbaijan that considering a military solution to Artsax or expanding its military budget has no real long-term prospects. We can not afford not to take advantage of the confusion now reigning in Baku.

 

2. As luck would have it Armenia assumed the presidency of the CSTO against the backdrop of these dramatic developments. It is vital to take advantage of this possibility, in particular, to expand the political component of the porganization. By using its political weight in the CSTO, Moscow has been able to get the Presidents of the member states to agree to its policies in the Caucasus. Armenia can not only demand that the CSTO member states agree to a unified approach to all problems, without exception, but throughout the term of its presidency it can strive to create such mechanisms. Otherwise this organization can turn into merely a club that serves the interests of Moscow. It is vital to take advantage of the fact that Armenia is the only country in the Caucasus that more or less defends all of Russia's actions and at this stage Moscow doesn't wish to spoil relations with its Souith Caucasian "Outpost". In other words, to also demand from Moscow that it use its influence in the CSTO to define the rules of the game in order that, for example, none of the member states reserves to itself the right to implement actions that oppose the immediate interests or concerns of the others. We have been witness to such events a few times already.

 

3. We must categorically assist in formulating the Caucasus Security and Stability Platform initiative. Furthermore, we must offer prposals of our own on certain issues. It is clear that Turkey, by the creation of this system, seeks to share regional influence with Russia and to obtain a degree of hegemony. However, she will not be able to accomplish this without the creation of necessary infrastructure. Assisting the formation of the Platform in the capacity of an observer will grant Turkey the entire possibility to create that infrastructure. As a result Armenia, as a part of the system, will be transformed into merely a compliant, executing nation. It is vital to deprive Turkey of such a possibility by again relying on the Russian factor.

 

If Turkey and Russia are truly interested in creating a security and stability platform in the region then they cannot directly circumvent the interests and concerns of Armenia given that without Armenia such a platform is meaningless. First and foremost, they must take this into account for two important reasons for Russia. Firstly, all the other nations slated to participate in the Platform are either NATO members, i.e. Turkey, or either overtly or covertly seek to gain membership in the alliance. Thus, the importance of Armenia for Russia is doubled, since it is a member of CSTO, an opposing military-strategic bloc that seeks to maintain a certain balance with NATO. Armenia's inclusion in the Platform would raise a question of vital significance for Moscow. Secondly, if Armenia doesn't enter that system, Moscow loses one of the most convenient conduits directly linked to Iran. Thus, it wouldn't be at all surprising for both Armenia and Russia to demand, as a precondition for the creation of the Platform, that Iran also be allowed to participate, given that only with the inclusion of Iran will there be a true balance of regional powers.

 

In all cases, Armenia faces two principled issues that must serve as clear precondtions for Armenia's entry in the Platform and, in particular, they must serve as the prime motivating factors for making participation for Armenia not only conducive but necessary.

 

A) Armenia must unreservedly participate in all regional exisiting and planned for energy, communication and economic projects, both on an East-West and North-South axis. Only in this Platform context can one conceptualize any possibility of Turkish-Armenian-Azeri cooperation.

 

B) All exisiting conflicts in the Caucasus must be resolved solely through the negotiations process and diplomatic relations must exist between all nations. This last point doesn't mean that Armenia will start "kirvayutyun" (familial relations) with Azerbaijan or Turkey, especialy taking into account all exisiting conflicts and controversies. However the absence of diplomatic relations, in and of itself, almost reminds one of a war or pre-war situation. Without such relations any talk of regional security or stability is senseless.

 

At first glance, these demands/initiatives might perhaps appear to be maximalist and utopian in terms of being realized when we take into account the foreseeable opposition of Turkey and especially Azerbaijan. However, the definition andf pursuit of these objectives creates a wide field in which to adopt an activist diplomacy. One must consider that fishing in muddy waters in terms of defending national interests is sometimes justified. What remains is merely to try.

 

 

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PACE investigates S. Ossetian destruction

A delegation from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has visited South Ossetia to see the destruction caused by Georgia’s armed forces. They traveled to the capital Tskhinval to assess the damage and meet locals. A report on their findings will be released on Monday. The delegation was expected to arrive in Tskhinval at midday; however, it landed there with a three hour delay. This was due to the fact that the delegation decided - at the last moment - to visit villages in the area. Crucially, all of the villages that they inspected, save one, were Georgian.

 

After a meeting with the South Ossetian president Eduard Kokoyty, PACE members were expected to visit affected areas of the city, the Russian peacekeepers' military camp, as well as several Ossetian and Georgian villages in the area.

 

The discussions with the republic's president were heated and uneasy, Leonid Slutskiy - a Russian PACE delegation member - told Interfax. Kokoyty interpreted the delegation's delay as resentment from the Georgian side and its unwillingness to allow PACE members to assess the situation in Tskhinval on the spot.

 

Slutskiy also pointed out that PACE delegation members are now gaining a "true understanding of Georgian aggression against South Ossetia on the 8th of August".

 

The South Ossetian president called for the international community to "step away from emotions and planned conclusion and to gain insight into the problem which turned into a tragedy for the small Ossetian population".

 

Prior to the meeting, Kokoyty noted that he was determined to unveil the truth for the PACE mission, despite them ignoring "diplomatic etiquette" due to their delay. The South Ossetian President was furious because of the delay and announced in a heavily-worded statement that he would never again receive a delegation visiting South Ossetia from Georgia.

 

Moscow is unhappy with the delegation’s itinerary (Russia-Munich-Georgia-South Ossetia-Georgia). Russia believes it would have been more sensible to travel from Moscow and then to North and South Ossetia before heading to Georgia.

 

Destroyed homes and empty shells in the centre of Tskhinval have become a familiar sight. It's not the first time many have felt the effects of conflict in the Caucasus. But locals say the recent conflict in South Ossetia has proven to be the most inhuman during the long-term history of relationship between the two ethnicities.

 

The entire 20th century was marked by a series of hostilities. In the 1920s Georgians forced many thousands of Ossetians to escape north, through snowy mountains of the great Caucasian Range. Many then walked the whole way to Vladikavkaz in North Ossetia on foot.

 

It was the Soviet power that guaranteed peace and people came back to their homes. 92-year old Olga Kabulova was among them. Times were tough when they lived in exile, but at least her mother didn`t abandon her like other parents were forced to do. Olga doesn`t know why Georgians set centuries-long persecution upon her people.

 

“I remember very well how we used to send all our produce, all our fruit, to Tbilisi. They just didn`t appreciate it,” she says.

 

She was hoping the situation would never be repeated but another tension occurred when the Soviet Union collapsed. South Ossetia wanted to break away like other subjects of the empire. Tbilisi opposed the move and deployed its army in the region.

 

The woman`s elder son remembers the time well.

 

“They tied my hands, threw me on the ground, face down, and started beating me on the head with a shovel. Have you ever seen your own ears? I saw mine chopped off and hanging in front of my face. I don`t know why my skull didn`t crack. Then they turned me around and said, Now, swallow your teeth. They beat me with a pistol butt. They broke all my teeth. I swallow four and spat out the rest,” Felix Kabulov recalls.

 

Twenty fellow workers of Felix were buried alive then, he says. And now 16 years later another war in South Ossetia.

 

“If only I could meet with Saakashvili one-on-one in a boxing ring. One round would be enough,” he said.

 

It`s hard to overestimate the human tragedy in South Ossetia. Many people still can`t sleep or tremble from any sudden noise, but they hope this war will be the last one on their land. But now when the shelling is over the coming winter is their worst nightmare which many of them will face literally under open skies.

 

 

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Russia-South Ossetia border may vanish

The border between Russia and South Ossetia may cease to exist, according to the Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.

 

He says there are corresponding mechanisms in the recently signed Moscow-Tskhinval agreement on friendship and co-operation.

 

“As far as integration is concerned, currently it will be enough if we essentially eliminate borders between the Russian Federation and South Ossetia, assisting to restore the republic’s economy, if we give people an opportunity to live quietly and bring up their children, develop their republic and communicate without restrictions, without formalities at the frontier,” Putin said.

 

He has added that one more document should be signed – on the one side it will be protecting Russia’s interests in respect to its outer boundaries, and on the other side it will give people an opportunity to communicate freely, “without any administrative barriers”.

 

Russia has recognised the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on August 26 as a result of Georgia’s aggression.

 

On September 9 diplomatic ties have been established between Russia and the two republics, and on September 17 agreements on friendship and co-operation have been signed.

 

As far as Georgia is concerned, Vladimir Putin believes diplomatic relations between Moscow and Tbilisi will be restored in the future. And so far the countries should maintain bilateral public relations.

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Russia gathers evidence for int. trials on S.Ossetia war crimes

20:23 | 25/ 09/ 2008 http://img.rian.ru/i/b_print.gif MOSCOW, September 25 (RIA Novosti) - Russia now has enough evidence to try in international courts those people guilty of war crimes during Georgia's assault on South Ossetia in August, the country's top investigation body said on Thursday.

 

"The phase of gathering evidence in South Ossetia has been completed," the Investigation Committee head, Alexander Bastrykin, said. "Investigators have obtained ample and unbiased evidence for the future trials of those people who committed crimes [in South Ossetia]."

 

Investigators have documented events to "help the international judiciary assess the scale of what was done ...in an unbiased way, and make decisions on the responsibility of certain individuals, wherever they may be," Bastrykin said.

 

He said the evidence suggested that "the aggressor's goal was the total destruction of the Ossetian ethnic group" in the republic.

 

South Ossetia said more than 1,500 people, mainly civilians, were killed in Georgia's onslaught on the republic in early August. The South Ossetian capital, Tskhinvali, was left in ruins. Russia and South Ossetia said Georgian aircraft, artillery and tanks had targeted residential buildings.

 

The Georgian operation was called "Clear Field."

 

Speaking on Thursday at a news conference following a fact-finding trip to South Ossetia, a Belgian lawmaker, Christine Defraigne, said of Tskhinvali that, "The city resembles Beirut."

 

The majority of Western states criticized Russia's operation to "force Georgia to peace," and its subsequent recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, another breakaway Georgian republic. All the sides involved have sought an international inquiry into the conflict.

 

 

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For those who still think Russia support Armenia, read this:

 

Artsax : ANALYSE DU CONFLIT PAR UN EXPERT RUSSE

 

Nouvelles d'Arméni

vendredi26 septembre 2008

France

 

KARABAGH

 

Extrait de l'interview accordée a Day.Az par Alexei Vlasov,

politologue russe et directeur général du centre d'information

et d'analytique des processus sociopolitiques dans l'espace

postsoviétique.

 

Q- Comment la politique du Kremlin influe-t-elle sur le Caucase,

et plus particulièrement sur le règlement du conflit du Artsax ?

 

R- Il est tôt pour parler de la formation d'un nouveau "vecteur

Caucase" dans la politique de Moscou. En fait, Moscou doit maintenant

intensifier ses efforts de maintien de la paix dans le Haut-Artsax,

démontrant ainsi sa capacité a tenir "la diplomatie des mots",

et pas seulement par la force. Mais où est le plan susceptible de

conduire a un accord sur cette question extrêmement douloureuse

? Erevan n'a pas indiqué qu'il était prêt a des compromis afin de

persuader son allié dans l'OTSC, la Russie a besoin de temps.

 

En outre, quelle perspective pour la participation de la Russie dans le

processus de maintien de la paix sur le Artsax, sans la participation

et le soutien des autres pays ? Les relations avec l'Occident,

peuvent même obliger Erevan et Bakou a assumer la médiation.

 

Un compromis sur la Transnistrie est possible, par l'intermédiaire

de la Russie, mais cela n'est guère possible pour le Artsax.

 

Par conséquent, les choses ne devraient pas bouger, et resteront en

l'état, congelées.

 

Q- Moscou a officiellement déclaré que la situation en Ossétie du

Sud ne constituera pas un précédent pour le Haut-Artsax. Est-ce a

dire que la Russie appuie la résolution du conflit du Artsax dans

le cadre de l'intégrité territoriale de l'Azerbaïdjan ?

 

R- Certainement, la Russie soutient le principe de l'intégrité

territoriale de l'Azerbaïdjan. Certes, nous avons besoin de relations

amicales avec Bakou dans tous les domaines. Mais, rappelez-vous les

paroles d'Ilham Aliev : "Nous voulons la fin de l'affrontement. La

Géorgie et la Russie sont les amis de l'Azerbaïdjan. Nous voulons

que ces amis deviennent amis entre eux. Les récents événements ont

prouvé de nouveau que la stabilité dans la région est une question

très délicate".

 

Et maintenant mettez l'Arménie et l'Azerbaïdjan en lieu et place de

la Russie et de la Géorgie, et imaginez ce que seraient les paroles

de Dmitri Medvedev. En tout cas, c'est une phrase magnifique. Mais

pouvons-nous espérer voir la réalisation de ce souhait dans l'avenir

? Ca sera difficile ...

 

Q- Est-ce que la crise dans les relations américano-russe peut influer

sur le conflit du Artsax, en tenant compte du fait que les Itats-Unis

et la Russie sont des médiateurs dans la résolution de ce conflit ?

 

R- En fait, les efforts de médiation de la Russie et desItats-Unis,

jouent la plupart du temps un rôle décisif dans la résolution des

conflits dans l'espace postsoviétique. Mais la différence entre

Moscou et Washington est très grande, et l'espoir qu'ils joignent

leurs efforts est très faible.

 

Je suis pessimiste, en particulier si les Républicains gagnent

les élections présidentielles auItats-Unis. La politique de

"l'affacturage de la Russie" continuera, ce qui signifie qu'aucune

médiation efficace ne sera possible.

 

Malheureusement, le problème du Haut-Artsax a été tellement

négligé, que de nombreuses années d'efforts conjoints seront

nécessaires pour surmonter cette impasse, mais l'intention de

l'Occident de tout régler par le biais de "modèles", ne sera

pas bonne.

 

-----------------------

 

 

 

Reason why Russia can not support the independence of Artsakh? Russia's oil sector is targeted by Azeris. Russia's biggest oil compagny is run by an Azeri, Vagit Alekperov, the regional leader is also an Azeris. The Executive Vice-President Moscow International Petroleum Club is Togrul Bagirov the father of Adil Baguirov.

 

This is why Armenia will never have an impartial side to mediate, because any mediator will be corrupted by the oil corporations.

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I remember reading an earlier statement by Russian FM Sergei Lavrov where he states that Abkhazia and South Ossetia cannot be a precedent for Artsakh because the former was attacked by another country during the negotiation process therefore it broke all laws. On the surface, this looks like a pro-baboon statement but if you read between the diplomatic lines, Moscow is basically saying "the status quo will remain unless the baboons attack, then we will give support to Artsakh". The only thing Moscow is interested in is to keep the status quo.

 

Let's also not forget that the BTC pipeline is one of the many reasons Russia attacked Georgia and the only way to take care of the pipeline on the babooni side is... us Armenians. Kurds took care of the Turkish side a week before Georgian-Russian war and Russia can mess up the Georgian portion of the pipeline anytime it wishes now.

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