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Turkey Bans Scholar


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Another proof which shows the blatant lie of the Turkish Government, that their archives are open to the world and they have nothing to hide or be ashamed of their past.

 

Notice to Press and Public

 

My name is Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk and I was born in Eskiþehir

(Turkey) on July 10, 1959. On November 20, 2007, at Yeþilköy Airport

(Istanbul), without presenting any justification but based upon an

order from the Ministry of the Interior, I was declared a suspicious

person, denied entry into Turkey and sent back to Berlin on the first

return flight.

I have been living in Germany since 1984 and have worked

as a journalist and publisher since 1992. Because of my Circassian

ethnic background I have been interested in Circassian history and

since 2005 have stopped working actively as a journalist and publisher

and started devoting all of my time to gathering documents on the

subject.

I was stripped of my Turkish citizenship in 1991 because

of my failure to perform obligatory military service (based on Order

#1956, dated June 7, 1991, supported by Statute 403, Section 25,

paragraph ç). Since 1997, the year I became a German citizen, I have

been entering and exiting Turkey regularly without incident.

I was not provided with the official reason for denying my

entry into Turkey. Despite this, based upon information that I was

able to gather from contacts I made, the reason I was denied entry

into Turkey is apparently to prevent my performing research at the

Presidential Ottoman Archives (Baþbakanlýk Osmanlý Arþiv, hereinafter

"BOA") in Istanbul.

There is a very simple reason why my entry to Turkey was

blocked instead of directly prohibiting my research at the

archives. If the latter had occurred, it would have made an obvious

statement that would have belied the arguments of the governing AK

Party administration that "Our archives are open to all. Everyone's

welcome to come in and examine them," or "let the historians form a

commission." By using a different strategy and preventing my entry

into the country, it allows for the raising of a suspicion that there

are perhaps other issues in my personal background.

Recently, I started to wonder about the history of

Circassians and I want to write a book about the subject. The actual

topic that interests me is "Did the Circassians play any role in the

events of 1915 and if so, what?" Also, I have been trying to find the

answers to the question, "What was the relationship between

Circassians and other minorities during the period in question, prior

to that and afterwards?" For the past two years, I have been working

in a regular, disciplined manner at the BOA and systematically

gathering documents on the subject. A large part of my life during the

past two years has been taken up this way at the archives in Istanbul.

During my work at the archives I was frequently blocked in

my efforts by the employees, who are known as followers of

Turkish-Islamic synthesis (mostly supporters of the Turkish

nationalist party). I believe that the denial of my entry into Turkey

was the result of efforts by these same individuals. At the airport I

was presented with a "Record of Denial of Entry" form. On the form was

all of my identification information. This information taken from my

German ID card is available in only one place, and that is the

Presidential Ottoman Archives.

The police officer at the airport informed me that the

order [to deny entry] came directly from the Ministry of the Interior,

not from the General Directorate of Security. Based upon his

investigation of the issue, parliamentarian Mr. Ufuk Uras informed me

that the entry denial did not come from the Ministry of National

Defense nor did it have anything to do with military service.

Since the issuance of the entry denial on Nov. 20, 2007, I

have made no effort to broadcast this information. I believed that the

ban was an effort to discredit the AK Party administration. I had

hoped that the AK Party administration would quickly rectify the

situation when it so obviously contradicts the government's policies

as stated to the public. I tried to remain silent because if the

incident were revealed, it would create an obstacle in Turkey's

relations with the European Union and lead the way to lowering opinion

towards the current administration and Turkey in general, especially

after recent discourse regarding the events of 1915. I tried to

resolve it through private channels.

Unfortunately both my own efforts and those of my attorney

to reach the authorities within the AK Party have come to a

standstill. I was unable to get anywhere with my efforts. That leaves

only one option: letting the public know, through the media, about a

mindset that attempts to prevent an individual from conducting

research in the archives by denying them entry into the country.

It is obvious what sort of difficulty is going to befall

someone like me who is doing nothing other than gathering documents in

a systematic manner from the archives, if a government that claims

"Our archives are open to all; we welcome the formation of a

historians commission" turns around and not only denies that person

access to the archives but even entry to the country itself. Nothing

that Turkey and its administrations say on the subject can be

considered credible. One can only smirk at a statement like "Let's

solve our problems from the past" when it comes out of a mindset that

views working in the archives and gathering documents as

criminal. This can only be answered with the statement, "Do your

homework first, then open up the archives to everyone."

I want this disrespectful action against me resolved

immediately and my work, which has been delayed because of it,

compensated for as soon as possible.

 

Respectfully,

 

Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk

Jan. 2, 2008 - Berlin

 

Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk

Berlin, Germany

Email: muluisik@t-online.de

 

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Another proof which shows the blatant lie of the Turkish Government, that their archives are open to the world and they have nothing to hide or be ashamed of their past.

 

Notice to Press and Public

 

My name is Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk and I was born in Eskiþehir

(Turkey) on July 10, 1959. On November 20, 2007, at Yeþilköy Airport

(Istanbul), without presenting any justification but based upon an

order from the Ministry of the Interior, I was declared a suspicious

person, denied entry into Turkey and sent back to Berlin on the first

return flight.

....................it is obvious what sort of difficulty is going to befall

someone like me who is doing nothing other than gathering documents in

a systematic manner from the archives, if a government that claims

"Our archives are open to all; we welcome the formation of a

historians commission" turns around and not only denies that person

access to the archives but even entry to the country itself. Nothing

that Turkey and its administrations say on the subject can be

considered credible. One can only smirk at a statement like "Let's

solve our problems from the past" when it comes out of a mindset that

views working in the archives and gathering documents as

criminal. This can only be answered with the statement, "Do your

homework first, then open up the archives to everyone."

I want this disrespectful action against me resolved

immediately and my work, which has been delayed because of it,

compensated for as soon as possible.

 

Respectfully,

 

Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk

Jan. 2, 2008 - Berlin

 

Mehmet Sait Uluýþýk

Berlin, Germany

Email: muluisik@t-online.de

 

 

Why are we surprised for the double talk prevailing NOW.... REGARDING.... the archives of the past regimes?

 

Turkeys propaganda machine TODAY, must show the world a face that is civilized and progressive!

At the same time...,

IT MUST AT ALL COSTS, PREVENT THE IMAGE OF "GENOCIDE PERPETRATOR" IN THE LATE 19TH AND BEGINNING OF 20TH CENTURIES BY PREVIOUS GOVERNEMENTS THAT THE ARCHIVES MIGHT UNRAVEL!

THERE MUST BE A CONTINUITY IN THE DENIALIST POLITICS SINCE 1923!

BE IT SULTANATE OR REPUBLICAN... ;)

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TURKEY BANS TURKISH GENOCIDE SCHOLAR

 

Taraf

Monday, January 7, 2008

 

BERLIN (Taraf)--Historian Mehmet Sait Uluishik, a German citizen

of Turkish origin has been banned from entering Turkey without any

explanation, the daily Taraf reported Sunday. Uluishik has been

researching the role of Circassian's in the Armenian Genocide in the

Prime Ministry's Ottoman Archives.

 

He said while he was working in the archives officials employed there

kept him under close observation.

 

Uluishik has been living in Germany since 1984. His Turkish citizenship

was revoked in 1991 for not performing his military service. Uluishik

has been a German citizen since 1997.

 

Since 2005 he has been working on Circassian history and has visited

Turkey almost 20 times during the last two years for his research. The

last time he arrived in Turkey was in November of 2007. When he

arrived at the airport in Istanbul he was handed a paper from the

Interior Ministry that declared he is barred from entering Turkey. He

was immediately deported to Berlin. When Uluishik asked the police

officer that handed him the paper for the reason behind it, he learned

that the ban was not issued by the police department but came directly

from the Interior Ministry.

 

Uluishik told the daily Taraf that he requested to talk to a

parliamentarian to learn the reason behind his ban. "The deputy told

me that the ban had nothing to do with the revocation of my citizenship

for completing my military duty," he added.

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  • 4 months later...

Armenians Should Take $20 Million

Offered by Turkey as Partial Payment

 

By Harut Sassounian

Publisher, The California Courier

 

The largest Turkish daily newspaper, Hurriyet, carried the following

sensational headline in its May 20, 2008 edition: "Turkey offers $20 million aid to

open Armenian archives."

Yusuf Halacoglu, chairman of Turkey's state-funded Turkish Historical

Society, told Hurriyet that he had offered Armenians $20 million to open the ARF

archives in Boston which he says include "very important documents" regarding the

Armenian Genocide.

Halacoglu said that he made this financial offer after Armenians allegedly

told him that they do not have the necessary funds to organize these archives.

He claimed that "Armenians do not want to have the archives opened because such

efforts will start a real debate over the genocide claims."

In recent years, Halacoglu has made many bizarre statements on the Armenian

Genocide, bringing nothing but ridicule upon himself, his fellow genocide

denialists, and the Turkish Historical Society. This latest offer is yet another

wacky statement by this charlatan, masquerading as a historian. It shows his

own, and his government's desperation in trying to counter what Hurriyet

describes as the Armenian Diaspora's increasing worldwide activities in recent years

for the acknowledgment of the Armenian Genocide.

There are several falsehoods in Halacoglu's statement. First, he does not say

which Armenians, if any, had told him that they lack the necessary funds to

catalogue the ARF archives in Boston. It is a pretty sure bet that he has never

contacted a single ARF official regarding the status of these archives. If he

had, he would have learned that these archives are already open to any

serious scholar. I am also quite certain that no ARF official has ever told

Halacoglu that the archives are not catalogued due to funding issues, because many of

the documents have already been published in several volumes. Since Halacoglu

knows neither Armenian nor any other language besides Turkish, he would be

unable to read a single document located in these archives.

Halacoglu claims that he had conveyed his offer of $20 million to "two

Armenian historians, Ara Sarafian and Hilmar Kaiser," and had not received an

answer. Betraying the depth of his ignorance, Halacoglu cannot even tell that Hilmar

Kaiser is a German and not an Armenian!

Tatul Sonentz-Papazian, who managed the ARF archives in Boston until 2000,

was quoted by the Armenian Reporter as saying that, contrary to Halacoglu's

claims, the cataloguing of the ARF documents through 1925 were completed in1995.

Mr. Sonentz-Papazian told the Armenian Reporter that Hilmar Kaiser, whom he

had seen as recently as a month ago, did not convey such an offer from Halacoglu

. Ara Sarafian also contradicted Halacoglu's claims by telling the Reporter

that he had not been asked to convey such an offer to the ARF. "This is

obviously a publicity stunt," Sarafian was quoted as saying. "Halacoglu thrives on

such publicity."

Furthermore, there is no evidence that the ARF archives will lend any

credence to the cause of genocide denialists. Gerard Libaridian, who was incharge of

the ARF archives in Boston from 1982 to 1988, posted the following

explanation on the armworkshop website on March 26, 2007: "I doubt that they [ARF

archives] will shed much light on the genocidal process itself, since the leaders of

that party, both national and local, were among the first victims of that

process=80¦. These archives, of course, cannot be lumped in the same basket as state

archives, since the Dashnaktsutiune [ARF] is a political organization and not

a state."

Halacoglu would do well to be more concerned about the accessibility and

integrity of Ottoman/Turkish archives rather than those of the ARF. In the May 25,

2008 issue of the Turkish newspaper, Taraf, researcher Ayse Hur, in a

detailed and lengthy report, courageously exposed the destruction and manipulation of

the Ottoman archives. The Taraf article is appropriately titled, "Leave the

Tashnak archives alone and look at the Ottoman archives." Over the past nine

decades, the Ottoman archives have been cleansed from all incriminating

documents and made available mostly to denialist "scholars" hired by the Turkish

government.

My advice to the officials in charge of the ARF archives is to take the $20

million being offered by the Turkish government and declare that sum to be a

partial compensation for the billions of dollars of damages suffered by

Armenians during the Genocide. Whenever Armenians have an opportunity to recover even

a small portion of their immense losses during the genocide, be it money,

personal property or other assets, they should grab it without hesitation!

 

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  • 2 weeks later...

REPORT: TURKEY ENTICES U.S. SCHOLARS, LAWMAKERS TO COVER UP WWI GENOCIDE

 

CBS 47

http://www.earthtimes.org/articles/show/re...de,418387.shtml

June 3 2008

CA

 

MONTGOMERY, Ala., June 3 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- A network

of U.S. scholars funded by the government of Turkey is part of an

energetic campaign to cover up the Turkish genocide of as many as 1.5

million Armenians during World War I, an effort that has found success

in Congress and the White House, according to the latest issue of

the Southern Poverty Law Center's Intelligence Report, released today.

 

Despite abundant documentation and eyewitness accounts of the slaughter

of Armenians by Turkey's Ottoman government between 1915 and 1918,

the current Turkish government has paid lobbyists and funded the

network of American academics, many of whom dismiss or rationalize

the killing. Genocide scholars agree that the slaughter was, indeed,

a genocide.

 

"What we are seeing is a despicable rewriting of history aimed

at absolving the perpetrators of mass murder and demonizing their

victims," said Mark Potok, editor of the SPLC's Intelligence Report,

a quarterly investigative journal that monitors the radical right. "It

is no different than the Holocaust denial of Nazi sympathizers who

claim there were no gas chambers at Auschwitz and Treblinka."

 

The summer 2008 issue of the Intelligence Report can be read at

www.splcenter.org.

 

The cover story recounts a March 2007 event where Guenter Lewy,

a professor emeritus of political science at the University of

Massachusetts, told a Harvard University audience that the Turkish

government at the time may have been guilty of ineptness and "bungling

misrule" -- but not genocide. Lewy, one of the most active members

of the network of academics, has made similar revisionist claims

in speeches at other campuses and in his 2005 book, The Armenian

Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide.

 

As early as 1985, Turkey bought full-page newspaper advertisements

to publish a letter questioning the genocide that was signed by 69

American scholars. All 69 had received funding that year from the

Turkish government or its proxies.

 

As the only Muslim-dominated country in a troubled region to call

the United States and Israel its allies, Turkey also has wielded

significant political influence in Washington. Last fall, lobbyists on

the Turkish payroll stymied a congressional resolution commemorating

the genocide by persuading more than 100 lawmakers to reverse their

positions. Even President Bush flip-flopped on a 2000 campaign promise

to back official U.S. recognition of the genocide.

 

"Denial is the final stage of genocide," Gregory Stanton, president

of the International Association of Genocide Scholars, told the

Intelligence Report. "It is a continuing attempt to destroy the victim

group psychologically and culturally, to deny its members even the

memory of the murders of their relatives. That is what the Turkish

government today is doing to Armenians around the world."

 

Also, in the Summer 2008 issue of the Intelligence Report:

 

"Secret Identity?" probes the ideology of Shepherd's Chapel, an

Arkansas-based television ministry led by Arnold Murray that has

an audience in the millions. Despite a theology that identifies an

evil race he calls the "Kenites" as the killers of Christ, Murray

says his ministry is not anti-Semitic. Mounting evidence suggests

otherwise."Stalked by Skins" tells the story of twin brothers who

have lived in fear since a bloody 2003 encounter with a gang of racist

skinheads in Illinois that left one man dead. In interviews, Bill and

Roger Larson recount how they and their families have been tormented

by gang members ever since. "North Meets South" reports on the strange

alliance forged by a Vermont separatist group in recent years. Born

of the left, the Second Vermont Republic has now partnered with the

white supremacist League of the South, which seeks a second Southern

secession, to build a national movement."Of Race and Rockets" reveals

famed aerospace scientist Walter Kistler's $200,000 in donations to

the Pioneer Fund, a racist foundation that funds controversial studies

of race and intelligence. A defiant Kistler says he is "not concerned

about battles in society about what is and what is not 'racist.'"

 

The Southern Poverty Law Center is a nonprofit organization that

combats hate, intolerance and discrimination through education,

litigation and advocacy. The Intelligence Report is a quarterly

investigative journal that tracks the activities of hate groups and

monitors militia and other extremist anti-government activity. For

more information, visit www.splcenter.org.

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Turkish Ambassador Fires Scholar

For Telling the Truth on Genocide

 

By Harut Sassounian

Publisher, The California Courier

Back in 1985, Prof. Donald Quataert, Associate Professor of History at the

University of Houston, and 68 of his pro-Turkish colleagues signed a joint

statement questioning the veracity of the Armenian Genocide and asking the U.S.

Congress not to approve a commemorative resolution on this crime against

humanity. That denialist statement, paid for by the Assembly of Turkish American

Associations, was published as a half-page ad in the May 19, 1985 editions of the

Washington Post and the New York Times.

Incidentally, Prof. Quataert, along with scores of other scholars, had

received funding from the Institute of Turkish Studies (ITS) and other Turkish

sources. The ITS was founded in 1982 by the Turkish government in Washington, D.C.,

with a $3 million grant.

When I pointed out in my Oct. 24, 1985 column that many of the signatories of

that Turkish ad had received funds from ITS, Heath Lowry, then Executive

Director of ITS, threatened to file a libel lawsuit against me, unless I retracted

my column and published his lengthy letter of complaint. I rejected his

request and my lawyer threatened to counter-sue the ITS, prompting Lowry todrop

his lawsuit. I had been told that Lowry had a direct hand in drafting the 1985

denialist statement as well as collecting the signatures of the 69 scholars.

Twelve of those 69 scholars currently serve on the ITS board, including Lowry

and Justin McCarthy, another notorious denialist.

Last week, an unexpected revelation was made concerning Prof. Quataert who

had served as Chairman of the ITS Board of Governors from 2001 until the end of

2006. Prof. Mervat Hatem, President of the Middle East Studies Association,

sent a letter to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, expressing her

outrage at the dismissal of Dr. Quataert from the ITS Chairmanship.

The MESA letter revealed that Prof. Quataert was forced to resign "after he

refused to accede to the request of ITS's honorary chairman, [Turkey's]

Ambassador [in Washington] Nebi Sensoy, that he issue a retraction of a scholarly

book review he wrote" about the Armenian Genocide. The letter also indicated that

"unnamed high officials in Ankara" had "threatened to revoke the funding of

ITS if he [Quataert] did not publicly retract statements made in his reviewor

separate himself from the Chairmanship of the ITS."

Prof. Hatem expressed her serious concern that "the reputation and integrity

of the ITS, as a non-political institution funding scholarly projects that

meet stringent academic criteria, is blackened when there is government

interference in and blatant disregard for the principle of academic freedom." She

reminded Prime Minister Erdogan that the dismissal of "Dr. Quataert sharply

contrasts with your government's recent call to leave the debate regarding the events

of 1915 to the independent study and judgment of scholars." Prof. Hatem

concluded her letter by asking the Turkish authorities to reinstate Prof. Quataert

as chairman and place ITS funds in "an irrevocable trust immune from political

interference and infringement of academic freedom." Copies of the MESA letter

were sent to Amb. Sensoy, the ITS Board and the President of Georgetown

University where the Turkish Institute is housed.

Prof. Quataert's difficulties started when in Fall 2006 the Journal of

Interdisciplinary History published his review of Donald Bloxham's book, "The Great

Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman

Armenians." In that review, Prof. Quataert boldly criticized Turkish

scholars' work on the Armenian Genocide by stating that "they were not writing

critical history but polemics=80¦. Many of their works were directly sponsored and

published by the Turkish government=80¦."

Dr. Quataert noted that the "wall of silence" of Turkish scholars on the

Armenian Genocide was "crumbling." Despite his earlier objection to the word

genocide, he explained why he had decided to use that term for the first time in

his book review. While acknowledging that his reference to the Armenian Genocide

"may provoke anger among some of my Ottomanist colleagues," he said that not

doing so "runs the risk of suggesting denial of the massive and systematic

atrocities that the Ottoman state and some of its military and general populace

committed against the Armenians." Prof. Quataert further observed: "Indeed,

accumulating evidence is indicating that the killings were centrally planned by

Ottoman government officials and systematically carried out by their

underlings." He concluded the book review by admitting that "what happened to the

Armenians readily satisfies the U.N. definition of genocide."

Prof. Fatma Muge Gocek, an Associate Member of ITS, told the Armenian

Reporter last week that after Prof. Quataert's dismissal two ITS board members had

resigned and two more, in addition to herself, were considering doing so. A

knowledgeable source disclosed to this writer that the two ITS board members who

have resigned are: Prof. Resat Kasaba, Chair of the International Studies

Program at the University of Washington-Seattle and Marcie Patton, Associate

Professor of Political Science at Fairfield University.

Dr. Gocek, Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Michigan-Ann

Arbor, sent a letter to the ITS last week, expressing her surprise that she

was still on its Board. She said that no one from ITS had contacted her in more

than five years. She described Prof. Quataert's dismissal "as an infringement

on his academic freedom" and the Turkish government's funding of ITS "with

strings attached" as "unethical."

Prof. Quataert's transformation from a denialist to a believer in the

Armenian Genocide is based on the growing body of scholarship in recent years both

within and outside Turkey. A comparison of the 2000 and 2005 editions of his

book, "The Ottoman Empire, 1700-1922," illustrates the gradual evolution ofhis

position on the Armenian Genocide. In a sharp departure from the cautious

language used in his first edition, Dr. Quataert in the 2005 edition of hisbook

points out the organized nature of the killings: "The patterns of killings were

chillingly similar in the various areas, powerfully suggesting the presenceof

a coordinated program." He further states: "On the evidence presented, it

seems plausible that high-ranking officials of the Ottoman state, utilizing the

Special Organization, directed a concerted, centrally orchestrated program

that murdered massive numbers of Ottoman Armenians." Finally, Dr. Quataert comes

to the conclusion in his 2006 book review that what had happened to the

Armenians in 1915 was indeed a Genocide.

The Turkish government now has a new scandal on its hands, thanks to the

reckless behavior of its Ambassador in Washington, who clearly violated the

academic freedom of a prominent American scholar. The Ambassador's actions should

embarrass the Turkish government in front of not only the public at large but

also the academic community worldwide. This scandal may also cause the Internal

Revenue Service to look into possible violations of U.S. laws by ITS in view

of the improper control of an American non-profit organization by a foreign

government. Georgetown University officials may also review their association

with ITS, given the latter's blatant violation of academic freedom.

Once again, the Turkish government has been caught trying to export its gag

rule on the Armenian Genocide beyond its borders to Washington, D.C. Indeed, as

the MESA President pointed out in her letter, Prof. Quataert's dismissal

exposes the Turkish government's lack of sincerity in suggesting that scholars

rather than politicians should deal with the Armenian Genocide issue.

 

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Turks spend millions I

 

 

Early this year, the Toronto District School Board voted to require all public high school students in Canada's largest city to complete a new course titled "Genocide: Historical and Contemporary Implications." It includes a unit on the Armenian genocide, in which more than a million Armenians perished in a methodical and premeditated scheme of annihilation orchestrated by the rulers of Turkey during and just after World War I.

 

The school board members each soon received a letter from Guenter Lewy, a professor emeritus of political science at the University of Massachusetts, rebuking them for classifying the Armenian genocide in the same category as the Holocaust. "The tragic fate of the Armenian community during World War I," Lewy wrote, is best understood as "a badly mismanaged war-time security measure," rather than a carefully plotted genocide.

 

Lewy is one of the most active members of a network of American scholars, influence peddlers and website operators, financed by hundreds of thousands of dollars each year from the government of Turkey, who promote the denial of the Armenian genocide -- a network so influential that it was able last fall to defy both historical truth and enormous political pressure to convince America's lawmakers and even its president to reverse long-held policy positions.

 

Lewy makes similar revisionist claims in his 2005 book The Armenian Massacres in Ottoman Turkey: A Disputed Genocide and in frequent lectures at university campuses across the country. Speaking at Harvard University in March 2007, he chalked up the ghastly Armenian death toll to "bungling misrule," and stressed that "it is important to bear in mind the enormous difference between ineptness, even ineptness that had tragic consequences" and deliberate mass murder.

 

"Armenians call the calamitous events of 1915-1916 in the Ottoman Empire the first genocide of the twentieth century," he said. "Most Turks refer to this episode as war time relocation made necessary by the treasonous conduct of the Armenian minority. The debate on what actually happened has been going on for almost 100 years and shows no signs of resolution."

 

But it's not only Armenians calling the slaughter a genocide, and there is no real debate about its essential details, according to the vast majority of credible historians. Although Lewy's brand of genocide denial is subtler than that of Holocaust deniers who declare there were no gas chambers at Auschwitz, it's no less an attempt to rewrite history.

 

"The overwhelming opinion of scholars who study genocide -- hundreds of independent scholars, who have no affiliations with governments, and whose work spans many countries and nationalities and the course of decades -- is consistent," the International Association of Genocide Scholars stated in a 2005 letter to the Turkish government.

 

"The scholarly evidence reveals the following: On April 24, 1915, under cover of World War I, the Young Turk government of the Ottoman Empire began a systematic genocide of its Armenian citizens -- an unarmed Christian minority population. More than a million Armenians were exterminated through direct killing, starvation, torture, and forced death marches. The rest of the Armenian population fled into permanent exile. Thus an ancient civilization was expunged from its homeland of 2,500 years." Double Killing

 

Despite this clear consensus of experts, Turkey exerts political leverage and spends millions of dollars in the United States to obfuscate the Armenian genocide, with alarming success even at the highest levels of government. Lobbyists on the Turkish payroll stymied a Congressional resolution commemorating the genocide last fall by convincing lawmakers to reverse their stated positions. Even President Bush flip-flopped.

 

Revisionist historians who conjure doubt about the Armenian genocide and are paid by the Turkish government provided the politicians with the intellectual cover they needed to claim they were refusing to dictate history rather than caving in to a foreign government's present-day interests.

 

"This all happened a long time ago, and I don't know if we can know whether it was a massacre or a genocide or what," said U.S. Rep. John Murtha (D-Penn.) after changing his vote.

 

"The last thing Congress should be doing is deciding the history of an empire [the Ottoman empire] that doesn't even exist any more," said President Bush.

 

But experts in genocide saw things quite differently.

 

"Denial is the final stage of genocide," says Gregory Stanton, president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars. "It is a continuing attempt to destroy the victim group psychologically and culturally, to deny its members even the memory of the murders of their relatives. That is what the Turkish government today is doing to Armenians around the world."

 

Last year, the Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity issued a letter condemning Armenian genocide denial that was signed by 53 Nobel laureates including Wiesel, the famous Holocaust survivor and political activist. Wiesel has repeatedly called Turkey's 90-year-old campaign to cover up the Armenian genocide a double killing, since it strives to kill the memory of the original atrocities.

 

He was hardly the first. As long ago as 1943, law professor Raphael Lemkin, who would later serve as an advisor to Nuremburg chief counsel Robert Jackson, coined the term "genocide" with the Armenians in mind.

 

Stanton, a former U.S. State Department official who drafted the United Nations Security Council resolutions that created the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, spoke this April at a United States Capitol ceremony honoring victims of the Armenian genocide -- a ceremony held four months after the bill to commemorate the slaughter was shot down.

 

 

 

"The U.S. government should not be party to efforts to kill the memory of a historical fact as profound and important as the genocide of the Armenians, which Hitler used as an example in his plan for the Holocaust," Stanton said before an audience that included three survivors of the Armenian genocide and more than 100 representatives and senators.

 

Infiltrating the Academy

 

Efforts to kill the memory of the Armenian genocide began while carrion birds were still picking over corpses in their desert boneyards, with Turkey issuing a first official statement assuring the world at large that no atrocities had occurred. Turkey's primary strategy for denying the Armenian genocide since then has shifted from blanket denial to disputing the death toll to blaming the massacres on Kurdish bandits and a few rogue officials to claiming the Armenians who died were enemy combatants in a civil war.

 

Turkey began intervening in the U.S. on behalf of denying the genocide in the 1930s, when Turkish leaders convinced the U.S. State Department to prevent MGM studios from making a movie based on the book The Forty Days of the Musa Dagh because it depicted aspects of the Armenian genocide.

 

In 1982, the government of Turkey donated $3 million to create the Institute for Turkish Studies, a nonprofit organization housed at Georgetown University that pushes a pro-Turkey agenda, including denial of the Armenian genocide. Three years later, in 1985, Turkey bought full-page advertisements in The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Washington Times to publish a letter questioning the Armenian genocide that was signed by 69 American scholars. All 69 had received funding that year from the Institute for Turkish Studies or another of Turkey's surrogates like the Ankara Chamber of Commerce, a quasi-governmental agency in Turkey's capital city.

 

The Institute for Turkish Studies has since received sizable donations from American defense contractors that sell arms to Turkey, including General Dynamics and Westinghouse. Turkey continues to provide an annual subsidy to support the institute. In 2006, the most recent year for which tax records are available, the institute awarded $85,000 in grants to scholars. Its chairman is the current Turkish ambassador to the U.S., Nabi Sensoy.

 

he first unassailable evidence of the extent of the Armenian genocide denial industry's reach in academic circles arrived in 1990 in an envelope addressed to Robert Jay Lifton, a professor of psychology and psychiatry at the City University of New York's Graduate Center and John Jay College. It contained a letter signed by Nuzhet Kandemir, who was then Turkey's ambassador to the United States, protesting Lifton's inclusion of several passing references to the Armenian genocide in his prize-winning book The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide. "It is particularly disturbing to see a major scholar on the holocaust, a tragedy whose enormity and barbarity must never be forgotten, so careless in his references to a field outside his own area of expertise," Kandemir wrote. "To compare a tragic civil war perpetrated by misguided Armenian nationalists, and the human suffering it wrought on both Muslim and Christian populations, with the horrors of a premeditated attempt to systematically eradicate a people is, to anyone familiar with the history in question, simply ludicrous."

 

There was nothing out of the ordinary about Kandemir's letter. Academics who write about the Armenian genocide were then and still are routinely castigated by Turkish authorities.

 

What Lifton found intriguing, however, was a second letter in the envelope, which the Turkish ambassador had included quite by accident. It was a memo to Kandemir from Near East historian Heath Lowry, in which Lowry provided Kandemir with a point-by-point cheat sheet on how to attack Lifton's book, which Lowry chummily referred to as "our problem."

 

Lowry at the time was the founding director of the Institute for Turkish Studies. He resigned that position in 1996 when he was selected from a field of 20 candidates to fill the Ataturk Chair of Turkish Studies at Princeton University, a new position in the Near Eastern Studies department that was created with a $750,000 matching grant from the government of Turkey.

 

Prior to joining the Princeton faculty, Lowry had never held a full-time teaching position and had not published a single work of scholarship through a major publishing house. As a result of that and of what The Boston Globe described in 1995 as his work as "a long-time lobbyist for the Turkish government," his appointment sparked a firestorm of controversy. A protest group called Princeton Alumni for Credibility published a petition decrying Lowry's appointment that was signed by more than 80 leading scholars and writers, including Kurt Vonnegut, Arthur Miller, Cornel West, Joyce Carol Oates and many historians and experts in genocide.

 

Peter Balakian, the director of Colgate University's Center for the Study of Ethics and World Societies and the author of The Burning Tigris: The Armenian Genocide and America's Response, called Lowry "a propagandist for a foreign government."

 

Speaking at a 2005 symposium at Princeton commemorating the 90th anniversary of the Armenian genocide, Balakian posed a rhetorical question: "Would a university want someone who worked with a neo-Nazi group to cover up the Holocaust on their faculty?"

 

The relationship of Turkey to U.S. scholars promoting Armenian genocide denial is similar to that of the oil industry to fringe climatologists who dispute the reality of global warming. The cause and effect relationship is murky. It's impossible to know for sure if they're making the claims to get the money or getting the money because they make the claims. And many of those who receive money from the Institute of Turkish Studies do little or nothing to support the government's version of what happened to its Armenian minority.

 

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turks Spend Millions Denying A.G. II

 

But a number of them certainly seem to, including Justin A. McCarthy, a professor of history at the University of Louisville. McCarthy claims that death tolls attributed to what he calls "this imaginary Turkish plan" are grossly exaggerated and resulted from justifiable wartime self-defense actions triggered by traitorous Armenians conspiring with Turkey's enemies.

 

McCarthy also points out that Armenians massacred Turks on at least one occasion before the "so-called Armenian genocide." In other words, they had it coming. "The question of who started the conflicts is important, both historically and morally important," McCarthy declared in a 2005 speech before the Turkish Grand National Assembly. "In more than 100 years of warfare, Turks and Armenians killed each other. The question of who began the killing must be understood, because it is seldom justifiable to be the aggressor, but is always justifiable to defend yourself."

 

He continued: "If those who defend themselves go beyond defense and exact revenge, as always happens in war, they should be identified and criticized. But those who should be most blamed are those who began the wars, those who committed the first evil deeds, and those who caused the bloodshed. Those who began the conflict were the Armenian nationalists, the Armenian revolutionaries. The guilt is on their heads."

 

Enforcing the Turkish View

 

In France and Switzerland, it's a crime to deny the Armenian genocide. In Turkey, it's a crime to affirm it.

 

Enacted in 2005, Article 301 of the Turkish penal code makes it illegal for any citizen or resident of Turkey to give credence to the Armenian genocide. Numerous journalists and scholars have been prosecuted for "denigrating Turkishness" under that statute, beginning with Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk, who was charged for stating, "A million Armenians were killed in these lands." Turkish-Armenian newspaper editor Hrant Dink was prosecuted three times for criticizing the Turkish government's longstanding policy of denying the Armenian genocide.

 

Where the law failed to silence Dink, bullets succeeded. He was gunned down in front of his central Istanbul office last January by a Turkish ultranationalist. Footage and photos later surfaced of the assassin celebrating in front of a Turkish flag with grinning policemen.

 

Dink's friend and ideological ally Taner Akam, a distinguished Turkish historian and sociologist on the faculty of the University of Minnesota's Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, attended Dink's funeral in Turkey, despite the considerable risk to his own life. Akam, a leading international authority on the Armenian genocide, was marked for death by Turkish ultranationalists following the November 2006 publication of his book, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and The Question of Turkish Responsibility. The book is a definitive history based in large part on official documents from Turkish government archives.

 

"It would be better for world peace and truth if sewer germs like you were taken off the planet," went one of the dozens of anonymous threats Akam continues to receive in Minnesota. "Pray that the devil takes you away soon because otherwise you'll be living a hell on earth. Who am I? You're going to find out, Taner, you're going to find out."

 

Turkish ultranationalists have, in effect, targeted many other people who, like Akam, affirm the genocide. Several of their websites include home addresses, phone numbers and photos of these scholars.

 

Genocide deniers often disrupt Akam's lectures. In November 2006, a gang of Turkish ultranationalists attacked him at a book signing at City University of New York.

 

"Denial of the Armenian genocide has developed over the decades to become a complex and far-reaching machine that rivals the Nazi Germany propaganda ministry," says Akam. "This machine runs on academic dishonesty, fabricated information, political pressure, intimidation and threats, all funded or supported, directly or indirectly, by the Turkish state. It has become a huge industry." Convincing Congress

 

Academia is one of two major American fronts in Turkey's campaign to kill the memory of the Armenian genocide. The other is Congress.

 

As the only Muslim-dominated country in a troubled region to call the U.S. and Israel its allies, Turkey wields significant political influence that it uses to prevent the U.S. from joining 22 other nations in officially recognizing the Armenian genocide as a historical fact.

 

In 1989, the U.S. State Department released archived eyewitness accounts that, according to State Department officials, showed that "thousands and thousands of Armenians, mostly innocent and helpless women and children, were butchered." That same year, a bill commemorating the genocide was introduced in the U.S. Senate. But Turkey responded by blocking U.S. Navy ships from entering strategically important Turkish waters and by declaring a ban on all U.S. military training operations on Turkish territory. The bill quickly evaporated.

 

Last September, the matter came up again. The U.S. House Foreign Relations Committee voted to bring a nonbinding resolution to the floor of Congress condemning the mass murder of Armenians by Ottoman Turks, placing the death toll at 1.5 million, and labeling the killing a "genocide."

 

This time, Turkey responded by recalling its ambassador to the United States and forecasting dire repercussions. "In the case that Armenian allegations are accepted, there will be problems in the relations between the two countries," warned Turkish President Abdullah Gul.

 

 

 

"Yesterday, some in Congress wanted to play hardball," said Egmen Bagis, foreign policy advisor to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan. "I can assure you, Turkey knows how to play hardball."

 

The next day, State Department spokesman Sean McCormack apologized to Turkey on behalf of the United States by issuing a statement expressing "regret" for the committee's actions, which, he cautioned, "may do grave harm to U.S.-Turkish relations and to U.S. interests in Europe and the Middle East."

 

Defense Secretary Robert Gates added his opposition to the resolution and pointed out that 70% of the air cargo sent to U.S. forces in Iraq and 30% of the fuel consumed by those forces is delivered via Turkey. President Bush, perhaps forgetting his campaign promise in 2000 to push for official recognition of the Armenian genocide if elected president, also came out against the resolution.

 

While Turkish officials made threats, lobbyists paid by Turkey delivered money to congressmen in the form of campaign and political action committee donations. Louisiana representative Bobby Jindal (a Republican who's now Louisiana's governor) and Mississippi representative Roger Wicker (now a Republican senator representing that state) both dropped their sponsorship of the resolution and began speaking against it -- but only after receiving around $20,000 each from former congressmen Bob Livingston, a Republican, and Richard Gephardt, a Democrat, who now work for lobbying firms contracted by Turkey to oppose any recognition of the Armenian genocide.

 

In 2000, while still in office, Gephardt had declared that he was "committed to obtaining official U.S. government recognition of the Armenian genocide." In 2003, he co-sponsored a resolution placing "the Armenian genocide" in the company of the World War II Holocaust and mass deaths in Cambodia and Rwanda that was voted down after a Turkish lobbying blitzkrieg.

 

Since leaving office and accepting a $1.2 million-a-year contract to lobby for Turkey, the former House majority leader has experienced a profound change of heart. "Alienating Turkey through the passage of the resolution could undermine our efforts to promote stability in the theater of [Middle East] operations, if not exacerbate the situation further," he wrote in an E-mail to the International Herald Tribune. Last fall, as part of his efforts to help torpedo the symbolic Armenian genocide resolution, Gephardt escorted Turkish Ambassador Nabi Sensoy to meetings with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi and other Democratic leaders.

 

Bob Livingston, whose firm has been paid more than $12 million by the Turkish government since 1999, also pitched in. As part of the lobbying effort last fall that U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), one of the sponsors of the resolution, called "the most intense I've ever seen," Livingston shepherded Turkish dignitaries from office to office on Capitol Hill.

 

As another part of that campaign, the government of Turkey took out full-page advertisements in major American newspapers calling upon the members of Congress to "support efforts to examine history, not legislate it." The ads featured a testimonial from Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice -- "These historical circumstances require a very detailed and sober look from historians" -- that implied that historians have yet to seriously study the Armenian genocide.

 

More than 100 supporters of the resolution reversed their positions, and H.R. 106 was voted down.

 

The government of Turkey has since continued to call for a "historian's commission" of scholars to "study the facts of what happened in 1915-1923." The proposed committee is marketed as a high-minded quest for truth and reconciliation, a long overdue arbitration of disputed history, and a chance to finally give equal weight to both sides of the story.

 

But as the saying goes, a lie isn't the other side of any story. It's just a lie.

 

"When it comes to the historical reality of the Armenian genocide, there is no 'Armenian' or 'Turkish' side of the question, any more than there is a 'Jewish' or 'German' side of the historical reality of the Holocaust," writes Torben Jorgensen, of the Danish Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies. "There is a scientific side and an unscientific side -- acknowledgement or denial."

 

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PRISON FOR TURKEY BOOK 'INSULT'

 

BBC NEWS

http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/europe/7459729.stm

2008/06/17 17:37:32 GMT

 

A Turkish publisher has been sentenced to five months in prison

for publishing a book by a British author about the mass killing of

Armenians in 1915.

 

Ragip Zarakolu was found guilty of "insulting the institutions of

the Turkish republic" under Article 301 of Turkey's penal code.

 

The controversial law was recently reformed under pressure from the

EU to ensure freedom of speech in Turkey.

 

This is the first high-profile verdict to be handed down since then.

 

Mr Zarakolu's sentence seems to confirm campaigners' fears that

changes to the law were merely cosmetic, says the BBC's Sarah Rainsford

in Istanbul.

 

In April it became a crime to insult the Turkish nation, rather than

Turkishness. But insulting the Turkish nation can still be punished

by up to two years in jail.

 

Sensitive issue

 

Mr Zarakolu was brought to trial for publishing a book by British

author George Jerjian on the mass killings of Armenians under the

Ottoman Empire in 1915.

 

I do not accept myself as convicted. This is a conviction for official

history and for denialism Ragip Zarakolu

 

Turkey denies the killings were genocide and the issue remains highly

sensitive.

 

Passing sentence, the judge told Mr Zarakolu he had insulted the

Turkish republic and its founders. His own defence - that he had the

right to criticise - was rejected.

 

Mr Zarakolu's case was not referred to the Turkish ministry of justice,

as required under the reforms, and he has said he will appeal against

the verdict, our correspondent reports.

 

His sentence will not be imposed until that appeal process is complete.

 

Outside the court, Mr Zarakolu said that such rulings had silenced

many writers in Turkey but that he would continue to challenge the

restrictions.

 

"I was partly waiting for this result. But it is a struggle for the

truth and it will go on. I do not accept myself as convicted. This

is a conviction for official history and for denialism," he said.

 

The justice ministry recently revealed that 1,700 people were tried

under Article 301 in 2006 alone.

 

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  • 2 weeks later...

http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2008/07/01/turkey

 

Inside Higher Ed

July 1

 

Is Turkey Muzzling U.S. Scholars?

 

Scholars of the Armenian genocide have long accused Turkey of using its

financial support to promote the idea that a genocide didn't take place

or that the jury is still out - views that have little credibility among

historians of genocide.

 

An incident in 2006, only recently being talked about publicly, has some

scholars concerned that Turkey and its supporters may be interfering in

American scholarship. The chair of the board of the Institute of Turkish

Studies, which is based at Georgetown University, resigned at the end of

2006, and he says he was given a choice by Turkish officials of either

quitting or seeing the funding for the institute go away.

 

At least one scholarly group that has investigated the matter recently

issued a report backing the ousted chair, and at least one other board

member has resigned while another has called for more discussion of the

accusations. The executive director of the institute, while flatly

saying that the ousted chair is wrong, confirmed that he was asked by

Turkish Embassy officials to have the scholar talk with the Turkish

ambassador to the United States about an article where he used the word

"genocide" in reference to what happened to the Armenians. It was after

that talk that the chair - Donald Quataert - quit.

 

The fact that Quataert is at the center of the controversy is

significant. A historian at the State University of New York at

Binghamton, Quataert is an expert on the Ottoman Empire. In the 1980s,

when the scholarly consensus about the Armenian genocide was not as

broad as it is today, he signed a statement calling for more research on

whether a genocide took place. Quataert says today he never thought the

statement would be used as it was by Turkish supporters to question

claims of a genocide, but he notes that as a result of his having signed

at the time, he was viewed favorably by the Turkish government and with

considerable skepticism by Armenians. And it is Quataert who used the

word "genocide" in a journal and who says he was given a choice by the

Turkish ambassador, Nabi Sensoy, of quitting as the institute's chair or

seeing its financing disappear.

 

The Institute of Turkish Studies, founded with funds from Turkey,

supports research, publications and language training at many American

colleges and universities. Most of the work is not controversial. This

year the institute is providing library grants to Kennesaw State

University and the University of Mississippi, supporting doctoral

students' work at New York University ("The Specter of Pan-Islamism:

Pilgrims, Sufis and Revolutionaries and the Construction of

Ottoman-Central Asian Relations, 1865-1914?) and the University of Texas

at Austin ("Gender, Education, and Modernization: Women Schoolteachers

in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1871-1922?); undergraduate exchange programs

at the University of Nevada at Reno and the University of Wisconsin at

Madison, and seed money to create new faculty positions at Boston

University and the University of Minnesota.

 

The institute is led by a board, primarily made up of scholars of

Turkey, only a few of whom have focused on issues related to what

happened to the Armenians. Even those who question the way Turkey has

responded to the genocide issue say that much of the work supported by

the institute is important and meets high standards.

 

Quataert led institute's board from 2001 until his controversial

departure at the end of 2006.

 

The dispute started when he published a book review in the Journal of

Interdisciplinary History in the fall of 2006. The review, which

included both praise and criticism, was of Donald Bloxham's The Great

Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism and the Destruction of the

Ottoman Armenians (Oxford University Press). In the review, Quataert

talks about how when he entered graduate studies in Ottoman history in

the late 1960s, "there was an elephant in the room of Ottoman studies -

the slaughter of the Ottoman Armenians in 1915." He writes that "a heavy

aura of self-censorship hung over Ottoman history writing," excluding

not only work on Armenians, but also on religious identity, the Kurds

and labor issues. Only in recent years, he continues, has the

"Ottomanist wall of silence" started to crumble.

 

Quataert notes concerns about the use of the word "genocide," namely

that discussions of its use or non-use can "degenerate into semantics

and deflect scholars from the real task at hand, to understand better

the nature of the 1915 events." But despite those concerns, he writes

that there is no question today that what took place meets United

Nations and other definitions of genocide, and that failure to

acknowledge as much is wrong.

 

Of using the term, he writes: "Although it may provoke anger among some

of my Ottomanist colleagues, to do otherwise in this essay runs the risk

of suggesting denial of the massive and systematic atrocities that the

Ottoman state and some of its military and general populace committed

against the Armenians."

 

That sort of analysis is not exceptional for historians writing about

the period. Most leading scholars of genocide have said that it is

beyond question that what took place was a genocide. In 2005, for

example, the International Association of Genocide Scholars issued a

letter that said in part: "We want to underscore that it is not just

Armenians who are affirming the Armenian Genocide but it is the

overwhelming opinion of scholars who study genocide: hundreds of

independent scholars, who have no affiliations with governments, and

whose work spans many countries and nationalities and the course of

decades."

 

While calling the Armenian genocide a genocide isn't controversial among

historians, it is unusual for the board of the Institute of Turkish

Studies. Its board hasn't been known for taking stands on the issue and

one of its members is Justin McCarthy, a professor at the University of

Louisville who describes what happened not as genocide, but a period of

civil war in which many people died, more of them Muslims than

Armenians.

 

In an interview, Quataert said that after his review was published, he

was told by David C. Cuthell, director of the institute, that people in

Turkey were upset about his use of the word genocide and that he should

call the Turkish ambassador. "He told me the embassy was unhappy and was

getting a lot of pressure and maybe I should speak to the ambassador."

 

Quataert said that he then called Ambassador Sensoy and had a "very

cordial and polite" discussion, and that the ambassador "made it clear

that if I did not separate myself as chairman of the board that funding

for the institute would be withdrawn by the Turkish government and the

institute would be destroyed."

 

After thinking about it for a few days, Quataert said he decided to

resign. "It was clear to me that there was a genuine danger that the

funding would be withdrawn by these powerful elements in Ankara and all

the good I have seen would vanish, and money that young scholars need to

learn language and travel would dry up," he said. "I still feel that the

institute over the decades has done a lot of good work. It was not for

Turkish propaganda. That's why I agreed to be the chairman of the

board."

 

Based on his experience, Quataert said that it is "a very difficult

question" to consider whether the institute at this point has

credibility as a source of financing for research and education. "By

forcing my resignation, the Turkish government has made very clear that

there are bounds beyond which people cannot go," he said.

 

Others share those concerns.

 

Birol Yesilada, a professor of political science and international

relations at Portland State University, where he focuses on contemporary

Turkish studies, said he quit the institute's board for two reasons:

health (he is recovering from a heart attack) and concern over what

happened to Quataert. Yesilada said he didn't know all the facts, and

has heard differing accounts of what happened, but that "it does not

look good." Further, he said he was troubled by "the silence" of the

institute director and many board members about Quataert's departure.

 

One board member who sent a series of e-mail messages to other board

members was Fatma Müge Göçek, a sociologist at the University of

Michigan. She wrote that Quataert was within his rights as a scholar to

write the review as he did.

 

"[T]he only activities that ITS has any control or say over in relation

to Donald's activities are only limited to his service as the board

chairman, not as a research scholar," she wrote. "If ITS in any way

intervenes in Donald's research activities, however, that would indeed

be a violation of his academic freedom because Donald's research does

not fall within the purview of ITS's domain of activities. In addition,

of course, I should not have to point out that the funding agencies that

provide money to ITS should not do so with strings attached with respect

to the research the scholars do. That too is considered unethical.

 

The Academic Freedom Committee of the Middle East Studies Association

also recently reviewed the case, and weighed in with a letter to Turkish

officials expressing anger over "the Turkish government's interference

in the academic freedom of one of our most respected academic

colleagues."

 

The letter goes on to say that the association is "enormously concerned"

that Quataert was pressured to either "publicly retract" parts of his

review or to leave the chairmanship of the institute. "The reputation

and integrity of the ITS as a non-political institution funding

scholarly projects that meet stringent academic criteria is blackened

when there is government interference in an blatant disregard for the

principle of academic freedom."

 

The press office of the Turkish embassy did not respond to phone or

e-mail messages seeking comment. Cuthell, the director of the institute,

said he did not think the embassy would want to comment because the

embassy "is livid and rightly so. The ambassador's reputation has been

impugned."

 

Cuthell said that there is a "lack of logical consistency" in what

Quataert says that shows it to be incorrect. Cuthell said that if

Quataert really cared about the institute, he would not have described

events as he did to the Middle East Studies Association or for this

article. "He resigns to protect the institute and then criticizes the

institute," said Cuthell.

 

Suggestions that the institute does not uphold academic freedom are

false, Cuthell said. "Has the Turkish government ever once ever tried to

change any of our grants or activities? I can tell you flat out - they

have not. They have never interfered in our grants or programs."

 

Asked if the institute has ever supported any research that calls what

happened to the Armenians genocide, Cuthell said he couldn't be sure,

but "I doubt it."

 

But he said that wasn't because of censorship or pressure but because

"the jury is out" on whether genocide took place. "There are a lot of

people who are not qualified to do the work because they can't read the

archival material," he said. "There is no archival material the

Armenians can produce. There is no smoking gun," he said. (In fact, many

historians say that one of the notable developments of recent years has

been the emergence of such smoking guns as some scholars have been able

to use Ottoman archives to document the role of various leaders in

orchestrating the mass killings of Armenians. Notable among these works

is A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish

Responsibility, by Taner Akcam of the University of Minnesota, and based

largely on Ottoman documents.)

 

While Cuthell repeatedly said that Quataert and the Middle East Studies

Association were all wrong about what had happened, he also indirectly

confirmed some of what they have said. For example, Cuthell said that he

did in fact tell Quataert that the ambassador wanted to talk to him

about his article. Cuthell also confirmed that funding for the institute

comes almost entirely from an endowment created by the Turkish

government. Cuthell said that there was no threat that the funds could

be taken away, so there was no way that Quataert could have feared for

the center's survival. But Cuthell also confirmed that the endowment had

been moved from the United States to Turkey - a move he said had led to

growth in the funds.

 

None of this, he said, was proof that Quataert was pressured to leave.

"Obviously there was concern" about the article Quataert wrote, Cuthell

said. But all this was about was that "these are diplomats who wanted to

have a conversation with Don."

 

- Scott Jaschik

 

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http://chronicle.com/news/article/4792/dis...udies-institute

 

The Chronicle of Higher Education

 

News Blog

 

Higher-education news from around the Web

 

July 6, 2008

Dispute Over Academic Freedom Roils Turkish-Studies Institute

Several members have resigned from the board of the Institute for

Turkish Studies to protest what they characterize as an infringement of

the board chairman's academic freedom. The chairman, Donald Quataert, a

professor of history at the State University of New York at Binghamton,

resigned in late 2006, according to an article in The Washington Post,

after writing a book review in which he used the word "genocide" to

describe the mass killing of Armenians in 1915.

 

This past May, Mervat F. Hatem, a professor of political science at

Howard University who is the president of the Middle East Studies

Association, wrote to Turkey's prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan,

requesting that Mr. Quataert be returned to his position and that funds

for the institute be placed in a trust to avoid political interference.

The institute is supported by a grant from the Turkish government. In

her letter, Ms. Hatem wrote that Mr. Quataert had stepped down after

refusing to accede to the Turkish ambassador's demand that he retract

his review, or face the loss of the institute's funds.

 

But the Turkish ambassador, H.E. Nabi Sensoy, as well as the institute's

director, David C. Cuthell Jr., denied any infringement of Mr.

Quataert's scholarly freedom, according to the Post.

 

Critics have accused the Turkish government for years of trying to

manipulate scholarly studies, conferences, encyclopedia articles, and

even novels that discuss the mass killings. -Lila Guterman

 

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Chicago Tribune, United States -

 

1915 killings of Armenians stokes Georgetown furor on academic freedom

July 6, 2008

 

By Susan Kinzie

 

The Washington Post

 

WASHINGTON - The issue that has roiled U.S.-Turkish relations in

recent months ' how to characterize the mass killings of Armenians in

1915 ' has set off a dispute over politics and academic freedom at an

institute housed at Georgetown University.

 

Several board members of the Institute of Turkish Studies have

resigned this summer, protesting the ouster of a board chairman who

wrote that scholars should research, rather than avoid, what he

characterized as an Armenian genocide.

 

Within weeks of writing about the matter in late 2006, Binghamton

University professor Donald Quataert resigned from the board of

governors, saying the Turkish ambassador to the United States told him

he had angered some political leaders in Ankara and that they had

threatened to revoke the institute's funding.

 

After a prominent association of Middle Eastern scholars learned about

it, they wrote a letter in May to the institute, the Turkish prime

minister and other leaders asking that Quataert be reinstated and

money for the institute be put in an irrevocable trust to avoid

political influence.

 

The ambassador of the Republic of Turkey, H.E. Nabi Sensoy, denied

that he had any role in Quataert's resignation. In a written

statement, he said that claims that he urged Quataert to leave are

unfounded and misleading.

 

The dispute shows the tensions between money and scholarship, and the

impact language can have on historical understanding.

 

Hundreds of thousands of Armenians were killed when the Ottoman Empire

collapsed after World War I. Armenians and Turks bitterly disagree

over whether it was a campaign of genocide, or a civil war in which

many Turks were also killed.

 

In the fall, when Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.)

championed a bill that would characterize the events of 1915 to 1917

as genocide, the Bush administration fought it and several former

defense secretaries warned that Turkish leaders would limit

U.S. access to a military base needed for the war in Iraq.

 

The Turkish studies institute, founded in 1983, is independent from

Georgetown University, but Executive Director David Cuthell teaches a

course there in exchange for space on campus.

 

Julie Green Bataille, a university spokeswoman, wrote in an e-mail,

"We will review this matter consistent with the importance of academic

freedom and the fact that the institute is independently funded and

governed."

 

The institute's funding, a $3 million grant, is entirely from Turkey.

 

A few years ago, Quataert said, members of the board checked on what

they thought was an irrevocable blind trust "and to our surprise it

turned out to be a gift that could be revoked by the Turkish

government."

 

Quataert, a professor of history, said the institute has funded good

scholarship without political influence. The selection of which

studies to support is done by a committee of academics on the

associate board, he said, and approved by the board, which includes

business and political leaders. Never once, he said, did he think a

grant application was judged on anything other than its academic

merits.

 

He also noted that during his time there, no one applied for grants

that would have been controversial in Turkey. Asked if any of the

research characterized the events as genocide, Cuthell said, "My gut

is no. It's that third rail."

 

Roger Smith, professor emeritus of government at the College of

William and Mary, questioned whether the non-profit institute deserves

its tax-exempt status if there is political influence ' and whether it

is an undeclared lobbying arm for the Turkish government.

 

Cuthell said none of the institute's critics ever bothered to check

the truth of Quataert's account with the institute: It does not lobby,

Cuthell said, and "the allegations of academic freedom simply don't

hold up."

 

The controversy began quietly in late 2006 with a review of historian

Donald Bloxham's book, "The Great Game of Genocide." Quataert wrote

that the slaughter of Armenians has been the elephant in the room of

Ottoman studies. Despite his belief that the term "genocide" had

become a distraction, he said the events met the United Nations

definition of the word.

 

He sent a letter of resignation to members of the institute in

December 2006, and one board member resigned.

 

But in the fall, around the same time that Congress was debating the

Armenian question, Quataert was asked to speak at a conference about

what had happened at the institute. He told members of the Middle

Eastern Studies Association that the ambassador told him he must issue

a retraction of his book review or step down ' or put funding for the

institute in jeopardy.

 

His colleagues were shocked, said Laurie Brand, director of the school

of international relations at the University of Southern California.

 

Ambassador Sensoy, who is honorary chairman of the institute's board,

said in a statement this week, "Neither the Turkish Government nor I

have ever placed any pressure upon the ITS, for such interference

would have violated the principle of the academic freedom, which we

uphold the most. The Turkish Government and I will be the first to

defend ITS from any such pressure."

 

Since the May 27 letter from the scholars association was sent,

several associate and full members of the board have left. Marcie

Patton, Resat Kasaba and Kemal Silay resigned; Fatma Muge Gocek said

she would resign, and Birol Yesilada said his primary reason for

stepping down at this time is his health, but that he is concerned

about the conflicting accounts of what had happened. "It's a very

difficult line that scholars walk," Patton said, "especially

post-9/11, especially because of the Iraq war."

 

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Turks continue to make complete fools of themselves. I welcome such initiatives by Turkey and its enlightened representatives. They do much more harm to Turkey than hundred books written by the criminal McCarthy.
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He also noted that during his time there, no one applied for grants

that would have been controversial in Turkey. Asked if any of the

research characterized the events as genocide, Cuthell said, "My gut

is no. It's that third rail."

 

Maybe not the research but researchers (eg. Fatma Muge Gocek)

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Dear Domino. Many are wishing you a Happy Birthday. I join them.

I know all your past screen names, when you were our tireless defender.

What happened to you?

Did you fall victim to ankara's "industry of lies"? Who challenge our "anateur genicidalists" and invite "scientsist historians" to discuss the "question".

Yes, Serge has responded to them. It is about time! With the only "provisio" that we don't talk about the given fact of "if it happened". No quesrtions. IT DID!.

And now, lt is to see how and why it happened, what the prelude and what the aftermath?

Edited by Arpa
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  • 4 months later...

 

Turkey's Historical Commission Touted at Columbia University

 

 

Asbarez.com

11/14/08

 

In yet another public relations ploy aimed at dissuading the US government from recognizing the Armenian Genocide, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan Thursday reiterated calls on Armenia to open its archives on the genocide for 'study' by a historical commission, a move widely seen as an attempt to bolster Turkish claims that a commission to investigate the events of 1915 should be established.

 

"We have opened our archives and Armenians should open their archives too. We have studied over 1 million documents so far," he said during a conference in New York's Columbia University, entitled "Turkey's Role in Shaping the Future."

 

Turkey's archives on the period, although ostensibly open, are under strict censorship, with scholars studying the genocide subject to close surveillance and intimidation by Turkey's security services, according to academics who have attempted to research the Armenian Genocide in Turkey's archives.

 

"Our offer is still on the table. Let's leave it to historians," he said, adding that Turkey and Armenia should abide by the final decision of historians following these studies.

 

"Erdogan's tired refrain calling for a historical commission on the Armenian Genocide is universally dismissed as just one more tactic in Turkey's long-standing campaign of genocide denial," said Aram Hamparian, the executive director of the Armenian National Committee of America. "The request is even more disingenuous, given Turkey's Article 301 laws that make honest discourse of the Armenian Genocide a prosecutable offense in Turkey.

 

Earlier on Monday, Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian described Turkey's proposal to form a commission of historians to investigate the veracity of the Armenian Genocide as unnecessary.

 

"It [the commission] is absolutely not necessary. We do not think that anything can be achieved with it. We want to establish diplomatic relations between the two countries, open the borders without any preconditions; afterward, through an intergovernmental process, we can discuss all issues pertaining to the neighboring countries. We do not consider the recognition of the Genocide by Turkey as a precondition to establish relations. We desire the latter, but not at any cost. In the past the European countries too have not established historical commissions in order to develop normal relations. Such an initiative could also mean an attempt to mislead the international public, especially when it is a years-long process," Sarkisian said said in an interview published Monday in the German Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung daily.

 

The Turkish government's position, echoed during various international visits in recent months, "makes it clear that the multi-million dollar Turkish lobby and threat apparatus is revving up its engine yet again to pressure the American government into not recognizing the Armenian Genocide," said Andrew Kzirian, the executive director of the Armenian National Committee-Western Region.

 

The Turkish government has also become intensely focused on Sen. Barack Obama's victory in the US presidential election, he said, explaining that the Turkish press has been feverishly producing 'news' opposing US genocide recognition, depicting any attempt to correctly categorize the genocide as a death sentence to 'budding' Armenia-Turkey relations.

 

Kzirian noted that this is a troubling development, demonstrating that Turkey is hurrying to establish relations with Armenia, in large part, to prevent recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the United States.

 

"I sincerely congratulate Barack Obama and his team who won the elections," Erdogan said. "Turkey and the United States are two allies that have very strong relations, supporting each other for more than half a century.

 

Earlier this year, Erdogan bashed Sen. Obama, calling him "an amateur in politics" for issuing statements on the Armenian Genocide.

 

Despite that, however, the Turkish Prime Minister was reported earlier this week to have requested a meeting with President Elect Obama while he is in Washington Friday attending an Economic Summit in the White House at the invitation of President George W. Bush.

 

"Turkey is resolved to maintain multilateral and close cooperation with the new U.S. administration led by Mr. Obama. Naturally, we particularly expect the new U.S. administration to take into consideration Turkey's sensitivities on matters which have vital importance," Erdogan said, hinging regional peace and security to US complicity toward Turkey's denial of the Armenian genocide.

 

"Preservation of a strategic partnership between Turkey and the United States is not only important for the national interests of the two countries but for global peace and stability as well," Erdogan said.

 

According to the Turkish Prime Minister, Turkey-US relations underwent a 'negative period' as a result of 'Armenian allegations' of genocide in 2007. He added that this 'negative period' could be overcome, "through common political will and endeavors."

 

"Turkey and the United States experienced a negative period regarding terrorist attacks stemming from Northern Iraq and Armenian allegations regarding the 1915 incidents in 2007. However, this period could be overcome," Erdogan said, describing the campaign for US recognition of the Armenian Genocide as 'not fair.'

 

"I hope the new U.S. administration would take into account Turkey's efforts. It is not fair to make a judgment upon such cheap political lobbying," he said.

 

The grassroots movement of Armenian Americans and human rights activists is based on the concerns of United States citizens--constituents that have contributed to the unique and democratic fabric of this free country by advocating that the US recognize the Armenian Genocide--and put an end to genocide everywhere, Kzirian noted. "Frankly, the real problem we face as Americans is that an external player - Turkey - hires multiple powerful lobbying and public relations firms - sometimes in an illegal manner as evidenced by the Vanity Fair piece on former House Speaker Denis Hastert and improper Turkish influence - to carry out denialist work in Washington, DC."

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  • 1 month later...

 

 

Turkish Historical Society Falsifies Start of Debate on Genocide

 

 

ANKARA (Combined Sources)--The Noyan Tapan news agency, quoting a Turkish

Historical Society representative from Hurriyet, reported Monday that some

Armenian and Turkish historians have begun discussing "the events of 1915."

"In March or April we are preparing to hold discussions about the events of

Adana, with the participation of Armenian experts Ara Sarafian, Garabet

Moumjian and Khatchig Mouradian," announced Historical Society representative Prof.

Kemal Cicek, who added that during a recent visit to the society, Sarafian

allegedly said that the word genocide would not be used to characterize theevents

of 1915.

"It is not true," said Sarafian in an email to Asbarez in response to

inquiries about the veracity of the Hurriyet report.

In a similar inquiry by the Asbarez Daily of Los Angeles, Mouradian said "the

report that appeared in Hurriyet and was also circulated by the Noyan Tapan

News Agency does not correspond to the truth."

"Earlier this month, I did receive an invitation for an academic conference

organized by the Turkish Historical Society in Ankara," he said. "I did not,

however, accept the invitation."

The Turkish Historical Society called the recent "I apologize" campaign

launched by Turkish scholars "a new obstacle aimed at weakening recent efforts for

dialogue by both sides."

 

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