Jump to content

Iran And Osama: Match Made In Hell


Nakharar

Recommended Posts

Global Politician, NY

Jan 13 2005

 

Iran and Osama: Match Made In Hell

 

1/16/2005

 

By Ryan Mauro

 

While the world remains fixated on the situation in Iraq, the Bush

Administration seems equally concerned with Iran. As the world's most

intense (in quantity and quality) sponsor of international terrorism,

and a rogue state in search of weapons of mass destruction, including

nuclear weapons, the specter of an alliance between Al-Qaeda

terrorists and the fundamentalist Iran is indeed a scary one.

Accusations by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and President

Bush show that this is indeed the case. This article will examine if

the evidence has been stretched or even falsified.

 

Iran in the past has been responsible for attacks on Americans.

Beginning with the hostage crisis of 1979, through the 1980s Lebanon

bombings that forced the withdrawal of American troops, and to the

recent war in Afghanistan. As the primary sponsor of terrorist groups

including the Al-Aqsa Martyr Brigades (terrorist wing of Fatah which

is a branch of the PLO), The Popular Front for the Liberation of

Palestine, The PFLP-General Command, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic

Jihad, Hezbollah, and a wide range of other anti-Israeli

organizations, there is a realistic possibility of the forging of an

alliance with Al-Qaeda. Beginning in the 1980s, Iran's openly

proclaimed goal through sponsoring militants was to remove Western

influence from the region so as to encircle Israel. The linkage the

extremists see from the Jewish state of Israel to the United States

is that the U.S. is `Big Satan', while Israel is `Little Satan',

cooperating hand-in-hand on a campaign of genocide against Islam.

 

Such thinking began with the Islamic revolution in 1979, after which

the new Islamist government of Iran called for striking out upon its

enemies as a religious duty. These callings would increase throughout

the decade, particularly because the extremists saw victories in

Lebanon, Somalia, and other places which resulted in the withdrawal

of Israeli and/or American forces. Some analysts feel that do to the

inability of the Western countries to see the `hidden hands' involved

in major terrorist attacks, has encouraged state sponsors to continue

using proxies for their war, as it covers their fingerprints.

 

By the end of 1990, Iran and other state sponsors saw the world in a

very simplistic manner, particularly in the Middle East. Any

government in the world, whether it hold a Moslem majority or not,

decided its fate by their relationship to the United States and the

United Kingdom, even if that relationship was different than the

relationship they had with Israel. Thus, any country assisting the US

in any manner was thought to be a `puppet government' of the West

used in its War on Islam. To this end, the Iranians, Sudanese,

Iraqis, and other state sponsors felt the first step in fighting the

West and moving towards the destruction of Israel was the promotion

of radicalism so as to topple `infidel' governments in the region

`serving' America, and terrorism was seen as a way to intimidate the

West, a bargaining chip, a way to radicalize Moslems and inspire

Moslems that through the power of jihad, they could prosper. The

state-controlled media blamed their poverty and despair on the West,

so as to draw a link between the `glory of jihad' and the pursuit of

happiness. Manipulating religious teachings served as another tactic

to magnify the campaign.

 

The radical states had little fear of Western retaliation as they saw

several encouraging signs:

 

A. The United Nations leaving Saddam Hussein in power after the Gulf

War

B. The West forcing Israel into limiting retaliation against

Palestinian militants

C. The lack of retaliation for the 1980s episodes in Lebanon

D. The failure of the Americans to rescue the hostages at the embassy

in Tehran

E. The withdrawal from Sudan

F. The toleration of Yasser Arafat's militants while simultaneously

pressuring Israel into giving concessions

G. The growing impact of extremism on the Moslem youth and the

growing anti-Americanism. Anti-Americanism grew do to state

propaganda, the lack of confidence in the West after these episodes,

and American support for regimes such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia which

committed serious human rights violations, while going unpunished do

to their cooperation with the American forces.

H. A reoccurring belief that any major Israeli or American

retaliation not seen as justified would arouse pan-Arabism and

pan-Islamism, resulting in a unified Islamic or Arab world holding

all the major oil deposits.

 

As Islamic religious sects united against their common enemies

beginning with the war against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and

later Israel and the West, their theological differences were removed

for the time being. Soon after the Gulf War, the dozens of branches

of militants, the strongest being the `Afghans' (those who fought

against the Soviets), formed a common front known as the Armed

Islamic Movement, or the `International Legion of Islam'. Seeing

confidence in this union, the sponsoring states of Sudan, Iran,

Afghanistan, Pakistan, and to a lesser degree, Syria and Iraq, began

cooperation with the legion as a form of proxy warfare. This is

similar to what we are seeing today in Iraq, where the Saddam

Fedayeen guerillas have united with the foreign terrorists.

Seeking leaders, Osama Bin Laden rised to the top of this union do to

his experience in Afghanistan, his financial power and his lengthy

international connections. Inside the Armed Islamic Movement were

still intact branches of militants, and Osama Bin Laden recruited

only the best for his organization, Al-Qaeda, or `The Base'. Al-Qaeda

then would cooperate with a closely fitting ring of similar

organizations such as the Armed Islamic Group (rebels in Algeria) so

as they would all form a network, with Al-Qaeda as the nexus.

 

The network depended heavily upon state sponsors, so the network

would be careful not to upset their state sponsors in order to keep

the delicate alliance alive. The state sponsors initially began their

own terrorist groups, as Iran did with Hezbollah, but as these groups

grew closer to the branches of the Armed Islamic Movement, the

sponsorship would extend to AIA so as to:

 

A. Enhance the deception and denial strategy

B. Enhance the overall terrorist legion

C. Enhance the capabilities of their closest terrorist allies that

served directly under them

D. Remove ideological and theological barriers preventing the

accomplishment of the primary objectives of the extremists.

E. Change the competitive nature of rival groups into a productive

catalyst for the cause.

F. Increase influence over the elements of other Islamic sects they

did not approve of.

 

In 1991, Sudan (in close cooperation with Iran) took a further step

to unify the various branches of terrorists into a single front. The

Islamic Arab Peoples' Conference was formed while Sudan and Iran

simultaneously created the Popular International Organization, an

allied front of Sunni Moslem extremists that would take part in the

driving power for the Islamic Arab People's Conference. This began

the setting up of Sudan as a terrorist harbor, and the placement of

Iranian forces in Sudan to facilitate this infrastructure.

 

As a result of the meetings and conferences, the Egyptian Islamic

Jihad led by Ayman Al-Zawahiri, now Al-Qaeda's main operational

branch became deeply involved in the various Islamic movements. On

October 18, 1991, the group went to the International Conference in

Support of the Islamic Revolution of the People o Palestine, with

over 400 representatives. The meeting also managed to unify the

branches despite their theological differences although Sudan and

Iran secretly hoped that their Popular International Organization

would take the lead in the efforts. Subsequently, Osama Bin Laden saw

the gathering movement and began concentrating his major efforts

towards that movement, landing him a spot at the top of the movement,

and as a result, assistance from Iran and the various state sponsors

of terrorism.

 

In July of 1992, Ayman Al-Zawahiri, now Al-Qaeda's #2 leader, went to

Tehran after consulting with Sudan. Zawahiri had already become a

huge figure in the Islamist movement, serving as a conduit for

coordination between many branches of organizations. His prestige and

theological beliefs drew Osama Bin Laden to him, later resulting in

the fusion of Egyptian Islamic Jihad into Al-Qaeda and tightening of

the overall Islamic coalition, all under the union sponsored by that

of Iran and other state sponsors.

 

 

The Alliance

 

Beginning in 1992, an agreement was reached. In return for Zawahiri's

efforts in the movement led by Iran, the Iranians agreed to provide a

safe harbor and training camp for about 800 of the Egyptian Islamic

Jihad terrorists in Mashhad. Iranian proxy forces like Hezbollah, and

the Pasdaran division of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps based

in Sudan would assist in virtually all areas of Zawahiri's

contributions to the movement. Zawahiri subsequently agreed to join a

faction of the overall movement, called the Arab Liberation

Battalions which was headed by the Revolutionary Guard's intelligence

community. By the end of the year, Al-Zawahiri's alliance with

Hezbollah became complete. It also set the stage for the battle of

Mogadishu, Somalia which accelerated the prestige of the various

Islamist movements banned into one union. This is why after 9-11,

President Bush had to make it clear the War on Terrorism was required

to fight all terrorist organizations.

 

In 1992, 12,000 Arab volunteers who had fought into Afghanistan

transferred into the terrorist organizations involved in the

movement. The leading force in Afghanistan of extremist volunteers

was Hizb-i-Islami, led by Gulbaddin Hekmatiyar, the force behind the

recent guerilla warfare in Afghanistan in alliance with the Taliban

and Al-Qaeda. This same year, Osama Bin Laden sent 3,000 Yemenis he

had recruited back to their homeland from Pakistan to help expand the

terrorist network in Arabia. The bases were reportedly in the

al-Maraqishah Mountains. But by mid-1993, with the movement's new

focus on East Africa, many of these Yemeni forces were moved to

Somalia, which he claimed cost him $3 million. These forces later

took part in the Mogadishu battle.

 

The alliances continued into October 1994, accelerating with the

Iranian-sponsored meeting in Khartoum, Sudan with Iranian

intelligence delegates, Osama Bin Laden, Hezbollah, and the various

branches of Muslim Brotherhood. The focus returned to the Arabian

Peninsula. Another meeting with the same groups occurred in November

1994 in Cyprus, to discuss operations in the United States. There

were even more people at the meeting, including Sudanese, Syrian, and

Iranian intelligence, and various other terrorist organizations

including Hamas, Hezbollah, PFLP-GC, Islamic Action Front, etc.

 

In early 1996, Iran formed the Hezbollah International, which

cooperated closely with Osama Bin Laden. Hezbollah International

picked up from where Iran-sponsored terrorism in the Middle East in

1995 left off. The new Hezbollah International worked to facilitate

attacks by financing and training, while very often, Bin Laden and

Zawahiri led and commanded the terrorist forces. To oversee such

activities, the President of Iran, Ali Akbatrr Hashem Rafsanjani

created the Supreme Council for Intelligence Affairs. Dr. Mahdi

Chamran Savehi led the External Intelligence branch which was

responsible for sponsoring terrorism, often through hiring the

al-Quds Forces of the Iranian military. Also in 1996, there was a new

turn towards the Balkans, particularly in Bosnia where the state

sponsors send forces, alongside Bin Laden to the region to assist the

Moslems in their war with Serbia.

 

As part of the new campaign, groups which were not part of Hizballah

International did decide to cooperate and form an alliance to

coordinate their activities with the Iranian-sponsored movement. This

included Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, Lebanese

Hezbollah, Osama Bin Laden's forces, Popular Front for the Liberation

of Palestine-General Command, Hamas, The Turkish Islamic Party,

Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and Kurdish People's

Party. The Islamic Change Movement, a group of organizations, also

joined the alliance. Iran's main instruments in the non-Hezbollah

forces inside the alliance were Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Hamas

which work very closely with Iran. Efforts to assist operations in

Saudi Arabia and East Africa continued, as a way to reduce American

and Israeli power.

 

The alliance members held a meeting on September 20-23, 1997. The

meeting included Ayman al-Zawahiri and an Al-Qaeda commander, where

they all agreed to escalate the terrorist campaign. Plans were to

begin for attacks on Turkey, Israel, and the USA.

 

Bin Laden decided the next month to begin preparing a base of

operations more centrally located in Afghanistan to facilitate the

coming offensives. Bin Laden intended to preserve his prestige and

power in the revolution. Most of the Al-Qaeda forces went from Sudan

into Pakistan and Afghanistan with the assistance of Pakistani

intelligence, while at the same time coordinating the upgrading of

capabilities with the anti-Indian militant forces backed by Pakistan

in Kashmir, who were simultaneously planning for a new campaign. Bin

Laden and Zawahiri soon held a meeting in Kandahar, Afghanistan to

talk about a new campaign to counter American influence all over the

world, and Zawahiri became the leader of the major operational

elements of Al-Qaeda, particularly the efforts against Egypt.

Meanwhile, forces from the various terrorist organizations spread out

into the Balkans, India, and Western Europe.

 

Later in 1997, Iran had a breakthrough in their planning for the

Islamic revolutions. At the final meeting to prepare the details of

the next campaign, about 20-30 organizations, or terrorist `unions'

took part including non-Moslems! Al-Jamaah al-Islamiyah joined, as

did the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, The Algerian

Armed Islamic Group, various extremist factions from all over the

world, the Armenian Secret Army, 17th of November based in Greece,

and Latin American groups. Immediately after, Zawahiri issued a call

for jihad on the United States and our allies in the Middle East if

we did not withdraw from the areas of Islam. On November 17, 1997,

Zawahiri's forces attacked Luxor, Egypt and killed nearly 70 West

European civilians. The campaign had shot off.

 

In February 1998, Egyptian Islamic Jihad (already close to Bin Laden)

joined the World Islamic Front for Jihad Against Jews and Crusaders,

an umbrella over Al-Qaeda and all their associated groups. This new

umbrella cooperated side-by-side with the Armed Islamic Movement - some

analysts even suggest they are the same thing, as most of the groups

were members of both umbrella organizations. Nevertheless, the

world's radical Islamic terrorist groups had united under the

supervision of the several state sponsors of terrorism.

 

Yossef Bodansky's book, `Bin Laden: The Man Who Declared War on

America' goes much further into details of how Iran may have been

behind the major Al-Qaeda attacks, particularly the operations in

Saudi Arabia, Somalia, and Tanzania and Kenya. It shows how Iran

works behind the various extremist unions, issuing restrictions and

permits on terrorist entities depending on how they fit Iran's

interest. If you are interested, I suggest buying the book. Since I

am unable to prove and verify Iran's role in these acts, it will not

be discussed here. However, what can be proven is how Iran has

provided aid to Al-Qaeda.

 

Pre-9/11

 

In the mid-1990s, Iran began to diversify the types of terror

sponsorship it would pursue. Rather than regular assassination and

guerilla warfare-type training, new methods of attacks were expanded

upon, a trend also seen in Iraq. Much of this upgrading would be seen

later in the Palestinian Intifada uprising against Israel and by

militants around the world in the late 1990s and the new millennium.

 

According to one of Yossef Bodansky's books, hijacking airliners was

involved in the training. The book however, was written in 1993. He

is currently the US Congress' Director of the Joint Task Force on

Terrorism and Unconventional Warfare. There were two training

facilities set up in Iran for advanced warfare involving aerial

platforms. One was at Wakilabad, the other near Mashhad (where

Al-Qaeda forces currently reside). Several former Iran Air pilots and

Air Force pilots, including ones trained in the United States, served

as instructors under the Revolutionary Guards and intelligence

community. At the airfield at Wakilabad were a Boeing 707, Boeing 727

and a Boeing 747. Selected pilots were sent to train at the Won San

Air Force Base in North Korea, where Korean pilots gave training over

the course of one year. Military training for the air force and navy

in North Korea traditionally teaches the tactics of the kamikazes. By

1995, at Salman Pak in Iraq, a similar training site was set up with

a Boeing jet used for hijacking training, which witnesses confirm

consisted of foreigners.

 

The former highest ranking CIA operative in Iraq, Robert Baer, says

that in December of 1995, one of Osama Bin Laden's associates went to

Tehran, for a meeting with several officers of the Ministry of

Intelligence and Security. The following July, Bin Laden met with an

Iranian intelligence officer whom was sent to Afghanistan to make the

anti-American alliance stronger in coordination and trust. The

cooperation soon extended to all `sections' of Al-Qaeda, including

the Egyptian Gami'at group, whom established contact with Iran

through Imad Mughniyah and Hezbollah. By late 1997, the CIA knew that

Bin Laden had discussed coordination efforts with Iran and the

prospect of destabilizing central Asia as part of the war against the

West was brought up.

 

Most of the Iranian-Bin Laden cooperation was done through Ayman

Al-Zawahiri. The efforts described above were the result of meetings

with this man. Over the past decade, Zawahiri could often be spotted

in Iran meeting with high-level government officials including the

Minister of Intelligence and Security, Ali Fallahian and Ahmad

Vahidi, the leader of the al-Quds forces, which consist of special

forces operatives whom assist terrorists or carry out terrorist acts

themselves. These forces are responsible for supervising covert

support to militants.

 

Beginning in the summer of 2000, Osama Bin Laden alongside Syria and

Iran began working to upgrade the militant capabilities in Lebanon

and the areas of Palestinian resistance against Israel. New stages of

Arab cooperation in the extremist realm led to reestablished ties

between Syria and the Syrian branch of Muslim Brotherhood, which was

tied to Al-Qaeda, and with Iraq by July 2000. The various Palestinian

terrorist organizations and Hezbollah also began a ground-breaking

chapter of cooperation. Iran even managed to build trust between Bin

Laden's group and Syria by showing that they intended not to topple

the Bashar Assad regime, but rather to work together.

 

In mid-July, Iran called for a meeting in Afghanistan between the

head of Bin Laden's bases in Lebanon and representatives of other

Palestinian groups. They agreed to coordinate activities, and that

Al-Qaeda would receive safe harbor at Ein Hilweh, Nahr al-Bard,

Hezballah-dominated areas in the Bekka Valley and the Palestinian

refugee camp of Tripoli. In the Bekka Valley, Iran's Hezbollah

organization began training and arming the Al-Qaeda forces based

there to integrate the forces into an anti-Israeli militant

infrastructure. Keep in mind, any activities of Hezballah should be

under the direct responsibility of Iran and sometimes, Syria, as the

group is founded by, trained by, armed by, directed by, and

accompanied by Iranian Revolutionary Guards and intelligence.

 

As the new network was build, Al-Qaeda contributed dozens of fighters

to join the Palestinian militants in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, to

work alongside Hamas and Islamic Jihad, more groups sponsored by

Iran. Arafat's forces took no action against Al-Qaeda's movements

once they were seen as non-threatening to the Palestinian Authority,

which was promised by Iran. This resulted in Arafat giving permission

to Syria, Iran, and radical Palestinian groups to facilitate Al-Qaeda

escapes to the harbors made available by the Palestinian groups.

 

In Tehran on June 1, 2002, there was another terrorist conference to

coordinate plans for the war on Israel. It involved most Iranian

leaders, the founder of Hezballah, senior Iranian Pasadaran

commanders from Lebanon, Syrian intelligence officials, Imad

Mughniyah and an Al-Qaeda commander, alongside the Palestinian

radical forces of Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and PFLP-GC.

 

Before we go any further, one must understand the cycle of Iranian

terrorism, regarding the United States, particularly in the Gulf.

While some terrorist acts occur at a timely moment at the leaders'

wishes, the separate campaigns Iran launches go on a cycle. Beginning

in March 1990, Iran began the three-phase terror escalation strategy:

1) Terrorism using local capabilities, loss of which would not hinder

the movement for Islamic movement. 2) More advanced attacks using

sleeper cells that depend upon sleeper networks, so as to avoid

detection and enhance the capabilities of the attacks. 3)

`Spectacular strikes', usually with suicide bombers, and

top-of-the-line trained militants that aim to incite the Muslim world

and usually take place far away from Iran.

 

After each phase, a new terrorist sleeper network is planted so that

any intelligence the West gains from the investigations into the

operations does not hinder the subsequent plans of the Iranian

regime. The Iranian-directed coordinated campaign, for the more

decisive attacks (as opposed to small-scale bombings like that in

Israel carried out by mediocre Palestinian groups with Iranian

permission or support) utilize the manpower of Hezballah, sleeper

cells consisting of `Afghans' (volunteers of the mujahideen in

Afghanistan during the war against the Soviets, this is where

Al-Qaeda associated branches come into play) and Sunni networks far

away with local capabilities whose elimination does not affect the

separate networks.

 

Regarding the `Afghans', Iran's contact with them, particularly

through Ayman Al-Zawahiri began in May 1986 with a meeting at Ben

Bella to unify the branches, as we discussed before. The initial

components of the giant union of Islamic radicals included Muslim

Brotherhood, Iranian Revolutionary Guards and intelligence, Syrian

Muslim Brotherhood, the forces behind the Islamic Conferences in

Europe, Hezballah, and Egyptian Islamic Jihad, operational branch of

Al-Qaeda today, which were represented by Sheikh Umar Abdel-Rahman,

mufti of the organization. Iran's links to the inner circle of

Al-Qaeda go back for over a decade. Beginning that summer, Iranian

intelligence began funding Egyptian Islamic Jihad and providing

technical assistance.

 

According to Ali Mohammed, a former Al-Qaeda security chief whom

testified during the trials after the 1998 embassy bombings, the

organization's financial manager, Muhmud Salim met with Imad

Mughniyah, an associate of the Iranian intelligence community,

government, and Revolutionary Guards (and `employee' of Iran to take

part in the business of terrorism sponsorship) in Sudan several times

between 1992 and 1996, laying the foundation for tight cooperation

between the two groups of extremists. Insight Magazine also has

provided details from the court case that raise much worry.

 

 

`The federal grand jury that indicted bin Laden in 1998 for the

embassy bombings described the operational support al-Qaeda received

from governments in explicit terms: "Al-Qaeda also forged alliances

with the National Islamic Front in the Sudan and with the government

of Iran and its associated terrorist group Hezbollah for the purpose

of working together against their perceived common enemies in the

West, particularly the United States," the indictment says. Mohamed

testified that "much of this type of training is actually carried out

at a training camp there, in Iran, run by the Iranian Ministry of

Information and Security." Even more damning comments were made by

Mohamed under seal, because James Owens, one of the victims of the

U.S. Embassy bombings in Tanzania, told the court at a sentencing

hearing last month for the convicted bombers that "Iran provided the

explosives for the bombings which have brought us here today."

Despite this evidence of operational ties between Iran and the

network that blew up the U.S. embassies, no Iranian official has yet

been publicly indicted for the bombing.'

 

 

Ali Mohammed goes on to say that as of October of 2000, he knew that

representatives of Iran, Hezballah, Al-Qaeda, Egyptian Islamic Jihad,

along with Imad Mughniyah himself were holding several meetings. At

these meetings, shipments of arms to Egyptian Islamic Jihad (and thus

Al-Qaeda, as E.I.J. is the group's operational arm) were discussed,

and at one particular meeting, the Iranian representatives

specifically pointed out they intended to use Hezballah as a proxy

force for the cooperation. The meetings concluded with Hezballah

agreeing to pass on their tactics used in Lebanon to the new Armed

Islamic Movement (more specifically Bin Laden's forces, although they

didn't have the widely known name of Al-Qaeda just yet) for use

against `Big Satan' and `Little Satan', particularly in the countries

with their influence, specifically pointing out Saudi Arabia.

 

These contacts continued throughout the decade, mostly unnoticed,

until the 1998 bombings of the embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.

According to captured documents during the investigation and trial

testimony, Hezballah forces, Iranian government and intelligence

officials and members of the Special Revolutionary Guard forces all

had contact with high-ranking Al-Qaeda forces, and enjoyed at least

one visit from Osama Bin Laden himself. At the meeting mentioned,

Iran directed its Hezballah forces near Al-Qaeda safe havens to arm

and train Egyptian Islamic Jihad and Al-Qaeda, which had recently

joined forces. At the meeting, Osama Bin Laden stressed that the

organization needed to push aside differences with Shiite militants,

specifically Iran and Hezballah, in order to pursue a common war

against a common enemy.

 

Even when the Al-Qaeda and associated Islamic militant branches

centralized into Afghanistan under Taliban rule, Iran assisted them.

During the war in Afghanistan, the Northern Alliance identified two

instructors at an Al-Qaeda training camp at Shomali as Iranians, both

of which previously had experience with Hezballah. Documents seized

at the camp showed blueprints to seize an American embassy, run

assassination missions, and formulas for enriched uranium.

 

The days prior to 911 also show Iran had an alliance with terrorists.

Over the summer of 2001, the bulk of Egyptian Jihad forces that we

would fight in Afghanistan began entering the country through Iran,

crossing at Mashhad. But in the first week of September, Iran stopped

the immigration to Afghanistan. Some in US intelligence suspect this

means Iran had some idea of a major terrorist attack that was

imminent, which could potentially incriminate the Iranian regime.

 

On September 11, 2001, immediately before or after the first attack,

a senior Iranian government official called relatives in Los Angeles

saying he was hoping to flee to the United States. The official

explained that Iran's media/propaganda machine hoped to blame the

attacks on the Japanese Red Army, providing details of elements of

the disinformation operations that did not play out until weeks

later. What is known though is that immediately following 9/11, the

government-controlled media (broadcasting into Lebanon) did in fact

try to spin the facts to make it appear it was the Japanese Red Army.

And so we go back to the Insight Magazine report on November 9, 2001.

In the investigation, they write:

 

`A former Iranian-government intelligence officer who has defected to

the West tells Insight during telephone interviews from Germany that

he personally informed the FBI at the beginning of September of a

plot by Iran to crash civilian jumbo jets into the World Trade Center

and government buildings in Washington. A key element of the plot,

which was code-named Shaitan der artash (Devil in the Fire), was the

use of Arab "muscle men" to hijack the airliners. "Only the men

leading the cells were Iranians," he says, "and they were recruited

from among Iran's Arab-speaking population" in the southwest province

of Khouzistan, bordering Iraq.....

The former intelligence officer says he received a coded message from

inside Iran one week before the Sept. 11 attacks, signaling that the

Shaitan der artash plan had been reactivated. He says he contacted

the German intelligence agency, the BND, and the legal attaché at the

U.S. Embassy in Berlin. U.S. government officials tell Insight that

the FBI now claims it didn't receive the defector's warning until

after Sept. 11.

 

To carry out the plan, a private company connected to the Iranian

government purchased a Boeing 757 simulator through the European

Airbus consortium 18 months before the attacks, the defector tells

Insight. One of the individuals who purchased the simulator in Paris

was in the United States on Sept. 11, he adds. `

 

Hamid Reza Zakeri

 

Insight Magazine ran another amazing investigation on June 10, 2003.

It was about Hamid Reza Zakeri, whom defected from the Supreme

Leader's intelligence directorate, bringing along with him classified

intelligence documents. Zakeri has testified to being in charge of

the security apparatus surrounding at least two meetings inside Iran

between Al-Qaeda and Iranian officials prior to 9/11. The secret

document he gave to US intelligence was dated May 14, 2001, signed by

the Minister for Information and Security, and quoted Khomeini in

regards to how to handle the cooperation with Osama Bin Laden.

 

In the document written less than four months before the attack,

Khomeini says to `strike at [American] economic structure, their

reputation - and their internal peace and security....We should be very

careful and very clever, so as not to leave behind any evidence that

could negatively impact our future standing or policies.'

At the end of the document, the Minister of Information and Security

writes to his ministry to `...improve our plans, especially in

coordination with fighters of Al-Qaeda and Hezballah to find one

objective that is beneficial to both sides...The Leader [Khomeini]

mentioned that we should limit our relations with Al-Qaeda to just

two people, as before - Imad Mughniyeh and Ayman Al-Zawahiri - and deal

only with them.'

 

Zakeri says the first meeting he was present at was held in January

2001 when Al-Zawahiri arrived in Iran (from Afghanistan) alongside 29

other Al-Qaeda officials for a meeting that would go on for four

days. `Zawahiri told my boss, Mustafa Hadadian, that they were

planning a `major operation' against the United States and Israel.'

Zakeri says the meeting was at Varamin, just outside of Tehran. He

testifies, `After the meeting, 12 of them [Al-Qaeda officials] stayed

in Iran. They were talking about their `plans for the future', and

that they had the `same enemy' as the Iranians. They said they were

trying to build up one movement to cooperate together, and were

asking Iran for operational support, equipment and money-laundering

help in Dubai, as well as assistance with travel documents to help

them travel from Iran to Europe. Ayman Al-Zawahiri told my boss that

Al-Qaeda was `very soon' going to make a major operation against the

United States.'

 

Zakeri says Naleq-Nouri, former speaker of Iranian parliament and top

aide to Khomeini, led the Iranian delegation and was assisted by Ali

Akbar Parvaresh, former education minister and member of Section 43,

the planning unit of the intelligence ministry. The success of the

meeting led to Osama's sending of Saad Bin Laden to Iran on May 4,

2001. Flying from the Talebat border of Afghanistan, to the Damavand

airfield near Tehran, he and three Al-Qaeda officials began their

three-week stay, which would include at least one meeting with

Iranian government officials.

At Khomeini's meeting house in Jamaran at the slopes of Elburz

Mountains (just north of Tehran), the five members of the Leadership

Council (the ayatollahs, Khomeini, and ex-president Rafsanjani) began

discussing operations with Al-Qaeda representatives. Not long after,

in the main hallway of the Ministry of Information and Security

headquarters in Tehran was a new exhibit with models of the World

Trade Center, the Pentagon and Camp David. Zakeri says: `From the

ceiling, a missile was suspended as if to strike the buildings.

`Death to America' was written on its side in Arabic, not Farsi.'

Zakeri says that the same hallway often had pictures of dissidents

targeted by Iranian intelligence, whom would die or disappear soon

after their pictures were posted. Zakeri went to the US embassy in

Azerbaijan on July 26, 2001, met with the CIA station chief, and

warned of a something occurring on or around September 10th. Insight

Magazine was unable to confirm if he really did make that prediction,

but was able to confirm that the meeting took place.

 

Worldwide Expansion

 

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, Iran even helped forces that were

part of the growing Armed Islamic Movement to expand worldwide into

the menace we see today. Apart from helping Pakistan in the training

and equipping of Kashmir-based militants, Iran often took a

unilateral approach in these efforts. Even Pakistan often played only

a minor role. From 1990 to 1991, Iran began helping Islamic radicals

in the Philippines, particularly present-day Abu Sayyaf (one of

Al-Qaeda's Pacific branches) to build camps and general

self-sustaining infrastructure. Often this was done through Iranian

intelligence agents accompanying Hezballah. Present-day Moro Islamic

Liberation Front also got help from Iran (and Pakistan) in making a

network of camps, and establishing lines of supply and communication.

By 1994, the rebels numbered over 120,000 organized into 6 divisions,

with an elite division of 6,000 veterans including Afghan mujahideen.

Throughout the fall of 1994, reaching the height in October, Iran

send huge amounts of experts (embedded into Hezballah) and supply to

the radicals in the Philippines, landing on Mindanao. Even a few

American-designed Stinger missiles are suspected of being shipped. By

the end of the year, nearly 180,000 people had joined the rebellion.

 

Do to differences with a commander in the Moro Islamic Liberation

Front, Abu Sayyaf split apart (but did not fight with the MLF), now

being led by a graduate from an Iranian training camp. In 1995, Abu

Sayyaf formed back the alliance with MLF, and the militants became a

crucial part of Al-Qaeda's network of terrorism. The next year, Iran

withdrew most forces from the Philippines including Hezballah to

avoid the political ramifications. Iran had successfully covered up

their role, and instead of risking being caught in the act, withdrew

as the new terrorist infrastructure had already reached

self-sustaining capabilities. Nevertheless, Hezballah still often

helped recruiting efforts overseas, and graduates from Iranian and

Hezballah camps were encouraged to join the group.

 

In fact, many of the Latin American recruits for Al-Qaeda were

initially recruited by Hezballah. This is certainly the case in 1996

and afterwards when new Hezballah networks were propped up in

Uruguay, Chile and Argentina that expanded as time went on. Using its

connections in the Pacific, Hezballah networks expanded in Thailand,

Australia and Indonesia (possibly contributing to the current

Al-Qaeda branch there, known as Jeemah Islamiyya). Even today, the

representatives of the various terrorist groups belonging to the

Armed Islamic Movement meet at the Triple Border where Paraguay,

Brazil, and Argentina meet, to coordinate terrorism. Mughniyah

himself has met with Al-Qaeda representatives here. According to

intelligence, this is where Western Hemisphere-based terrorism was

planned and coordinated between several groups including Islamic

Jihad, Hezballah, Al-Qaeda, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, etc., for during

and after the war in Iraq.

 

Other Assistance

 

By early May, the US was pressuring Iran to hand over Al-Qaeda and

extremist forces being harbored in their territory, with the

knowledge of the government. It has been reported that Iran demanded

that members of the opposition forces, Mujahideen-e-Khalq be handed

to them first, which the US refused to do. According to some

reporting, one of those harbored in Iran was Saadoon Mohammed Abdul

Latif, also known as Abu Wail, who was an Iraqi intelligence officer

who served as Iraqi liaison with Bin Laden by visiting in Afghanistan

in 1999. Also hidden in Iran was Ayub Afghani, an Al-Qaeda explosives

expert and senior leaders of Ansar al-Islam, an Al-Qaeda branch

formerly in northern Iraq. Also from Iraq was Al-Qaeda associate Abu

Mussab al-Zarqawi, head of a terrorist poisons network and weapons of

mass destruction efforts, and who also has been given the

responsibility of finding safety for hundreds of Taliban and Al-Qaeda

fighters using his expertise in false documentation and escaping the

authorities.

 

Iran has become a major base for Al-Qaeda operations. In fact, the

military commander of the group and the #3 ranking leader, Seif

al-Adel, organized the May 12th bombing attacks on Riyadh, Saudi

Arabia in Iran. The head of logistics, Saad Bin Laden, Osama's oldest

son, as well as the head of training, Abu Mohammed Masri, are also in

Iran forming this command group.

 

Seif al-Adel has coordinated Al-Qaeda's cooperation with local

extremist groups including those in Morocco and Pakistan to launch

attacks. He also oversees the security of the organization and

distributes money and propaganda to Afghanistan-based forces from

Iran. Working alongside Abu Mussab Al-Zarqawi (whom escaped to Iran

between March 19th and 29th from Iraq) and Saad Bin Laden, Saif

al-Adel coordinates his actions wtih the Iranian Revolutionary Guards

and the Intelligence Ministry. It is believed at least 500 Al-Qaeda

connected or associated persons are in Iran despite their claims of

expelling them. The strategy behind this is to use the group's

profound influence to launch terrorist attacks that cannot be traced

back to Iran, and to promote Iranian influence in Afghanistan and

Iraq. The most dangerous detail not mentioned yet is that Seif

Al-Adel is currently in the process of activating sleeper cells in

Western Europe and the United States.

 

Iran enjoys a tremendous advantage do to this. According to Ali Nouri

Zadeh of the Arabic paper, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, if any attacks or

militant circles are traced to Iran, they simply remove them from

their territory. Iran is careful not to reveal their role in

terrorism (unless it is Palestinian resistance). Immediately after

the May 12th Riyadh attacks, Seif al-Adel and Saad Bin Laden left

Iran (but returned later). Other forces of Al-Qaeda and Ansar

al-Islam began moving back into northern Iraq, Afghanistan, or the

triple border between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. An

investigation in February revealed an Al-Qaeda network centered in

Tehran, Mashhad and Zahedan. Saad Bin Laden, al-Adel, and Abu Khaled

at the time were all living in a safehouse under the ownership of the

Special Revolutionary Guards in the Bamk Abroad district.

 

Israeli intelligence says that the reason for a heightened alert in

Saudi Arabia which occurred about a week before the May 12th attacks

on Riyadh, was that Western intelligence had picked up suspicious

amounts of electronic `chatter' among Al-Qaeda cells around Saudi

Arabia, and simultaneous movement of operatives from the

Pakistani-Afghani tribal areas to Abu Dhabi, Yemen and Qatar through

Iran. Saad Bin Laden, Seif al-Adel, Abu al-Walid, and Al-Masri were

all supervising the movement from Iran.

 

The command centers for Al-Qaeda and associated militants such as

Ansar al-Islam in Iran were said to be in four areas. Up to 600

operatives and associates were in the province of Khorasan at Tayebat

(12 miles from the border of Afghanistan) and near Garmab (60 miles

away from Mashhad). In the province of Baluchistan there were two

locations for cells at Zabul and Zahedan, where Revolutionary Guards

forces were stationed. The week after the attack, the United States

cut off diplomatic contacts with Iran and demanded the extradition of

terrorists and cooperation with the Riyadh investigation.

 

This could also be do to the suspicion that Iran may be at times

harboring Osama Bin Laden. The most common view held right now is

that the he and Ayman Al-Zawahiri often find harbor in the southern

Assir province of Saudi Arabia in the Empty Quarter Desert (which is

not controlled by the Saudi government), and the area which extends

onto the Yemeni border. From here, it is believed they very often

travel to the Pakistani tribal areas, sometimes slipping into

Afghanistan, and sometimes slipping into Iran where the borders of

the three countries meet. Other people hold that they are always in

the Pakistani and Afghani tribal areas, where some have even said

they are often at the Hindu Kush Mountains.

 

Nevertheless, the suspicion towards Iran in regards to their location

is justified. According to Italian intelligence, Osama Bin Laden

often meets with his oldest son, Saad in Iran, traveling freely

throughout Iran to consult with his group's leadership. In early May,

it is said that Osama and seven senior aides including Al-Zawahiri

went to Iran, and were spotted in Tehran, where they are believed to

have authorized the May 12th Riyadh attacks (and the other attacks

throughout the spring) putting Seif al-Adel in charge. Attacks on

Turkey, Pakistan and Italy were reportedly discussed. The reports

finish with saying that the delegation carried Iranian passports,

identifying themselves as businessmen.

 

In the face of US threats, Iran claimed it had detained senior

Al-Qaeda in the country but would not hand them over to the United

States, but rather would send them to their homelands after being

identified. Even today, in the second week of July, there is still

`identification' going on and the militants are still `detained'. The

definition of `detained' appears to be loose, as it can mean they are

under `arrest', but really in police possession while being allowed

to continue their work. Iranian authorities have said there are some

350 Al-Qaeda in their possession.

 

The Al-Qaeda spokesman, Suleiman Abu Ghaith, was leaked to the press

(probably on purpose) to be among those detained. Immediately, Egypt

began contacting Iran about sending Egyptian nationals home for

prosecution. At least 14 Egyptian terrorists are believed to be given

safe haven in Iran, particularly those involved in the 1998 embassy

bombings.

 

Among those harbored: Mustafa Hamza, conspirator in a plot to kill

Egyptian president Mubarak in 1995; Abdul Rahman Khader, leader of

Egyptian Islamic Jihad and conspirator in the bombing of the Egyptian

embassy in Pakistan in 1995; leading members of Gamiat Islamiya

including members of the Shura Council like Muhammed Shawqi

Islambuli, the brother of the assassin of Anwar Sadat.

 

 

The War in Afghanistan

 

Around the first week of October 2001, Imad Mughniyah, a senior

intelligence official from Iran, and an Iraqi intelligence official

close to Saddam Hussein met in Mashhad. Knowing the American

onslaught was near; it is likely this had to do with preparations for

the import of militant forces.

 

Ever since winter 2001-2002, when the American forces toppled the

Taliban government in Afghanistan, these forces have been welcomed in

Iran, for the proper amount of money. Most of the forces that escaped

to Iran are in northern training camps, while more important

officials moved to Tehran, Qom, and Mashhid. Upon significant

pressure, Iran would transfer selected militants to northern Iraq

and/or Syria and Lebanon to bolster the Hezballah forces. By December

2001, Israeli intelligence reported that hundreds, possibly thousands

of foreigners harbored in Afghanistan had escaped a very large

portion of which escaping through Iran. It was said that they escaped

using drug trafficking routes in Baluchistan, with full awareness of

Iranian intelligence. Most of those escaping were Saudis, which makes

the observer question the significance of the Saudi-Iranian alliance

(as it relates to terrorism investigations, as we saw when the Saudis

covered up incriminating evidence against Hezballah and Iran in the

investigation into the Dhalan bombings and Khobar Tower bombings).

 

Iran also traditionally interferes in Afghan relations to sway

factors in the politics in their favor. Such covert operations

dramatically increased before 9/11 (it is reported that Iran assisted

Al-Qaeda in killing the Northern Alliance commander just days before

9/11 by providing transportation and security) and had another

acceleration once Western forces attacked Afghanistan. According to

an American special ops officer, the Iranian-modified AK-47 flooded

Afghanistan in increasing numbers during the fighting. Press reports

also indicate that three officers from the Revolutionary Guards were

killed in the bombing raids at Herat on Taliban and Al-Qaeda sites.

Herat has always been a site for Iran's `active measures', and today

is ruled by Ismail Khan, a man who openly admits ties to the

government of Iran. According to an Insight Magazine investigation,

Khan has ten Iranian generals serving under him whom are suspected of

being involved with resistance forces against the new post-war

government. One of the generals, General Blokian of the Revolutionary

Guard, previously assisted Hezballah based in southern Lebanon, and

now trains resistance forces loyal to the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. On

the other hand, to manipulate the forces consisting of the Northern

Alliance, Iran supported ethnic Tajik factions in the Alliance.

 

Today Iran still supports the Hekmatyar forces allied to the Taliban

and Al-Qaeda whom lead a rebellion against the Western forces in

Afghanistan, as well as the new government there. Even the former

deputy chief of finance for the Taliban, and the former Chief Justice

of the Supreme Court of the Taliban have said that Iran is supporting

Hekmatyar and the regrouping terrorist forces, allowing them to have

just as much funding as they did before 9/11.

The fact that Iran has assisted Al-Qaeda's campaign of terrorism

during the war in Afghanistan should be a sign that the hope that

Iran will quit the business is faint. It appears that Iran's very

foundation as a radical Islamist government depends upon serving the

forces of evil, even if it means confrontation with American forces.

Iran, immediately after the war in Afghanistan began, provided safe

haven for militants from a wide range of groups to assemble across

the border in eastern Iran, where a militant camp was detected by US

spy satellites. An obstacle course and rifle training (primarily used

for guerilla warfare and targeted killings) have been seen from the

bird's eye.

 

Iraq War

 

Iran originally intended to, if possible, ignite a regional war with

Israel if Iraq was attacked, feeling that their regime would be in

peril if such a war was successful. As war came close, seeing how

this was not the route to take as conditions was not ripe (including

the fact that Palestinian militants were unable or unwilling to

launch spectacular attacks to provoke Israel), Iran with Syria's help

chose another tactic. The Iranian regime cooperated with Saddam

Hussein's Iraqi regime in the past few years but of course, a more

trustworthy regime would be more favorable. Iran aimed to keep the

Coalition forces bogged down in Iraq as long as possible while

assisting radical Shiites in winning the government over, through

democratic means or by coup.

 

As early as February, the Iranian-backed force called the Badr

Brigades (more like an extension of the Revolutionary Guards) crossed

into northern Iraq. This group consists of 5,000 Shiites used to

expand Iran's influence in the post-war environment. At the exact

same time, Iran began shipping light and medium weapons to Ansar

al-Islam, the Kurdish branch of Al-Qaeda based in northern Iraq (and

sponsored by Saddam Hussein's regime as a way to persecute the

rebellious Kurdish forces). Not long after, their northern offensive

meant to hinder cooperation between Coalition forces and Kurdish

rebels was launched. This can be seen as a forced bargaining tactic,

as it was reported that Iran promised the Patriotic Union of

Kurdistan and other Kurdish forces that Iran would assist against

Ansar forces in return for a promise of extended Shiite influence in

Iraq.

 

It was decided in March that paramilitary units would be sent to five

Shiite cities to begin sporadic resistance once Saddam Hussein's fate

was sealed. The five cities initially targeted for Shiite upheaval

was Baghdad, Najaf, Karbala, Basra, and Kirkuk. It is interesting to

note these were the same sites of fighting with volunteer foreign

terrorists, as well as Al-Qaeda cells. As part of this effort, Iran

purchased Kuwaiti and Saudi military uniforms. If the Shiites were

rejected the representation they deserved in the government (so Iran

would have great influence in Iraq) or the Americans were preparing

to confront Iran in any way, the plans were to cooperate with

Baathist remnants and foreign volunteers for the resistance. A branch

of Hezballah was established in northern Iraq specifically for this

purpose, and according to Israeli intelligence, there was evidence

that truck bombings were part of the contingency planes.

 

During the beginning of the campaign, Iran donated $2 million to

their agents in the Shiite communities in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon to

incite the peoples. Part of that money was shifted to build a

`command center' at Ahuaz in Kohzestan province to oversee the covert

warfare. After learning that portions of Iraq's Republican Guards

planned to merge in with the population and fight from the

underground, Iran sold communications equipment, as well as agreed to

temporarily harbor senior commanders if they were in transit.

 

Within one week, efforts to recruit and distribute militants in Umm

Qasr, al-Amara, the Faw Peninsula and Basra began. Shiite extremists

temporarily got public eye and power as the lack of control allowed

their pour to source in central and southern Iraq, particularly

around the oil fields. Not long after, six Hezballah insurgents were

captured along the Syrian border, planning some form of an explosives

attack on American soldiers.

 

By April 22, especially in the time up to the annual Shiite

pilgrimage in Iraq, thousands of Badr Brigades had entered Iraq as an

Iranian proxy force. Entering from Kurdistan, they established base

in areas of Baqubah in the Diyala region near Baghdad, while a second

force established base in Nasariya, Najef and Karbala. Iran also

ordered Hezballah, while Arafat ordered certain extremists under the

supervision of the Palestinian Authority to enter Iraq so as to

recruit and incite people amongst the crowds. Fortunately, there were

only a few violent protests and minor bloodshed, and the plot to

incite the Shiites into either bribing for overwhelming power in the

government or to begin anti-American revolution had failed. This led

to the beginning of the end of the power of the Supreme Assembly for

the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, which had hoped to win by democratic

means.

 

Mujahideen-e-Khalq, a terrorist group that opposes the Iranian

regime, which disarmed and surrendered to the US and provided

valuable intelligence, has confirmed all this. The group (which has

not targeted civilians for many years) claims to have captured four

of the commanders of the Revolutionary Guards in Nandalr, Iraq which

had infiltrated with the goal to cooperate with the Badr Brigades to

incite revolution. Immediately after, American officials confirmed

that thousands of Iranian agents had been organizing anti-American

demonstrations in Shiite towns, and had been assisting Hezballah

political activities in the country.

 

The failure to incite revolution led to, while still capitalizing on

anti-American sentiment, Iranian forces to try to destabilize any

type of post-war government. Beginning April 8th but continuing for

the next few months, religious edicts were issued in Iran and in Iraq

by clerics and mullahs on the extremist payroll, calling for Shiites

to use all efforts to seize administrational jobs or to incite others

to peacefully remove the American presence. Clerics in Najaf began

funding and appointing clerics to cities, who are given

responsibility to appoint officials that run everything from civil

defense forces to civilian infrastructure construction. This even

resulted in Coalition forces arresting a Shiite self-proclaimed

mayor.

 

Parts of this effort aim to have pro-Iran Shiites take power over

pro-American Shiites and then to gain higher power, as the Shiites is

the majority in Iraq. To do this, assassinations and intimidation of

`unhelpful' Shiite leaders must occur to frighten the rivals. This

tactic began on April 10th, with the assassination of Ayatollah Abdel

Majid el-Khoei, believed to have been done by Iranian special agents.

Disappointed with the incitement campaign, efforts resumed to win

politically, by having favorable Shiites in critical centers of power

in Iraq. During the first two weeks of May, approximately 2,000

Iranian elite troops expanded the infiltration campaign to include 11

Iraqi cities. In cooperation with the Badr Brigades, the extremists

hoped to appoint mayors and governors in power to undermine US rule.

The cities targeted included Karbala, Najef, Hillah, Kufah,

Diwaniyah, Kut, Nasariya, and Amarah.

 

Soon after, Iran set up four Arabic radio stations, hired hundreds of

indoctrinated mullahs to go into major mosques, and began preparing

for a sequel to the Lebanon episodes of the 1980s. Now, in July, Iran

is using eight radio stations to incite attacks, while moving

selected Hezballah and Al-Qaeda experts into northern Iraq to work

alongside the Baathist militant resistance. Israeli intelligence has

reported that Iran even sometimes does surveillance activities for

these terrorists, including sending intelligence officers to

investigate potential attacks on American command-and-control sites

in the Gulf and warships. At Iran's disposal is said to be at least 5

senior commanders of Al-Qaeda located in Tehran and Mashhad, and

according to the unconfirmed report, about 1240 low and mid-ranking

operatives associated with Bin Laden's forces.

 

It is easy to mistake Iranian-backed Shiite attacks on Coalition

forces for Baathist militants. It has been alleged this was the case

in the killing of 6 British soldiers in Iraq, in a Shiite-dominated

town said to have been infiltrated by Iranian agents, and occupied by

the Shiite forces known as Badr Brigades and also the Supreme Council

for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, an Iranian-backed umbrella

organization of Shiite extremists.

 

Like in Afghanistan, we see Iran overtly and covertly assisting

elements loyal to terrorist forces of all kinds (Al-Qaeda,

miscellaneous groups and foreign volunteer batches, even Baathist

loyalists which have formed alliances with the Islamic radicals and

terrorists). As presented, there seems to be a pattern with a cycle

that is unlikely to be broken. The motive for Iran's government,

Islamic revolution and the perceived threat of the United States in

the region and in the world is one that will drive terrorism for a

time to come. The only option to make is either to succumb to Iran's

wishes, which would throw the USA out of the region, result in the

destruction of Israel, and in further expansion of hostile elements,

or to confront this threat in escalating fashion.

 

Ryan Mauro has been a geopolitical analyst for Tactical Defense

Concepts (www.tdconcepts.com), a maritime-associated security

company, since 2002. In 2003, Mr. Mauro joined the Northeast

Intelligence Network (www.homelandsecurityus.com), which specializes

in tracking and assessing terrorist threats. He has been published in

WorldNetDaily.com, Newsmax.com, StrategyPage.com, WorldTribune.com,

HomelandSecurityUS.com, JRNyquist.com and in the Turkistan Newsletter

(Turkistan Bulteni). He is a frequent writer for Milnet.com as well.

He has appeared on radio shows including The Al Rantel Show, WIBG

Radio, WorldNetDaily Radioactive with Joseph Farah, Jeff Nyquist

Program, Kevin McCullough Show, Laurie Roth Show, Tovia Singer Show,

Stan Major Show, and Preparedness Now. His book "Death to America:

The Unreported Battle of Iraq" is scheduled to be published in the

coming months. He publishes his own web site called World Threats.

Mr. Mauro may be reached at tdcanalyst@optonline.net

 

http://globalpolitician.com/articles.asp?ID=291

Link to comment
Share on other sites

Join the conversation

You can post now and register later. If you have an account, sign in now to post with your account.

Guest
Reply to this topic...

×   Pasted as rich text.   Paste as plain text instead

  Only 75 emoji are allowed.

×   Your link has been automatically embedded.   Display as a link instead

×   Your previous content has been restored.   Clear editor

×   You cannot paste images directly. Upload or insert images from URL.

Loading...
×
×
  • Create New...