MJ

US Envoy Hopes For Artsax Deal In 2001 YEREVAN (combined sources)--US Ambassador to Armenia Michael Lemmon indicated Thursday that the resolution of the Nagorno-Artsax conflict in the course of this year appears a real possibility following the latest round of Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks. "This is a long, complicated and difficult process," Lemmon told RFE/RL. "Let's hope and pray that this year, the year of the 1700th anniversary [of Armenia's conversion to Christianity], we can culminate it with a mutually acceptable, compromise settlement that all the parties can live with." The US, which leads the OSCE's Minsk Group jointly with Russia and France, played a central role in the latest international push to end the 13-year territorial dispute. President George Bush met with the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders in the White House on Monday, urging them to keep up the momentum toward a peaceful settlement. The separate meetings followed four days of intense peace talks in Key West, Florida, which the mediators said produced substantial progress. However, details of agreements reached on the resort island have not been publicized yet, with the co-chairs saying that they will form the basis of the Minsk Group's new peace proposal on Artsax to be submitted to the parties in June. Lemmon made it clear that "there is a long way yet to go." The new plan will be based on a "win-win approach," the diplomat noted without elaborating. President Robert Kocharian expressed confidence on his return to Yerevan on Wednesday that the plan will not contradict Armenia's and the Nagorno-Artsax Republic's position on the issue. "The talks were another step toward moving to peace," Kocharian said. "As far as we are concerned, I can asses the course of the negotiations as positive," expressing hope that the same results were achieved with the Azerbaijani delegation. He said the mediators will again come up with a "package" deal on all sticking points, including Artsax's status. "The Armenian delegation did not have direct negotiations with the Azerbaijani delegation in the US Key West talks over Artsax regulation, as the format of talks, offered by the OSCE Minsk group, was different from the previous ones," said the president. "I have many times repeated the principles beyond which we do not see a settlement. They are Artsax's non-subordination to Baku along with an overland link with Armenia and firm security guarantees. At least, these principles will be respected," Kocharian said. Commenting on his meeting with US President George Bush, Kocharian described it as very "useful". He said the main focus was on the regulation of the Artsax conflict and prospects for developing US-Armenian relations. On his way back home Kocharian stopped in Paris to brief French President Jacques Chirac on the results of the negotiations. He said on Wednesday that the meeting with Chirac had been planned beforehand. Kocharian is expected to brief leaders of Armenia's main political parties on Friday on the results of the Key West talks and his meetings with Bush and Chirac. An Armenian diplomatic source told RFE/RL that an Armenian-Azerbaijani peace accord may indeed be signed before the end of this year "if the current trends continue." "We don't quite need to prepare the public for that," the source said, strongly hinting that the new plan will address most Armenian concerns. In Baku, meanwhile, a coalition of leading opposition groups warned the Azerbaijani authorities on Thursday against making sweeping concessions to the Armenians, Turan news agency reported. The Democratic Congress urged other opposition forces to stage a series of street demonstrations ahead of the next round of Artsax talks due in Geneva next month. One of its leaders, Ali Kerimov, said Azerbaijanis should demonstrate to the international community their resolve to regain control over the disputed enclave. The Azerbaijani daily "Zerkalo" quoted the leader of the opposition Social Democratic Party, Zardusht Alizade, as accusing the authorities of having already "agreed to the loss of Artsax in exchange for their own prosperity."

Raffi, As a comment, I want to point that the surname change takes also place in countries with Eastern orientation - in Arab countries, in Iran, India, etc, therefore, I don't thing it is a Western v. Eastern issue. In fact, of all countries, it is easiest to maintain the Armenian last name in the US. People wouldn't care here about it - as long as they can pronounce it. I frequently encounter a situation of others asking me how to pronounce my last name. When I tell them, they say: "Oh, that's exactly how it spells." When they see a relatively long name, they automatically thing that it should be pronounced in some tricky way. More importantly than maintaining the "ian-yan" at the end of the last name (btw, I do maintain mine, and I like it ), I think it is important to push for mass Armenization of Armenian last names. I am very much against last names like Karagyozian, Demirdjian, Boyajian, Semerdjian, etc. I understand that in some countries it cannot be done, but at least in the free world it can be done.

Btac, The thing is that the Catholicos doesn't have the right to appoint or dismiss servants of particular perishes. They are supposedly to be elected by the parishioners. The Catholicos, if I am not mistaken, can ordain a bishop, or remove the title of a bishop, if he is found in the violation of the code. Who is the head of a given perish is a local issue. As to the bigger issues, I think there is no need to argue about these issues, either. The Church itself has to be a local institution, serving its parishioners, and providing them spiritual leadership and education. It should have nothing to do with anything else. It has to be concerned only about converting the pagans into Christianity, and serving Jesus Christ. This is the only mission that Jesus Christ has bestowed on the Church. The Church is not the place for me to meet the fellow Armenians. For that purpose I go to Hye Forum, for example, and some others have other places to go. As you know, the young people don’t visit the ceremonies of our Church. If I would go to a Church, I wouldn't care about Armenians or Turks or Americans there. Everybody there has to be a fellow disciple (regardless of ethnicity or political affiliation, etc.). As I have said before in a different way, perhaps, the most disgusting thing for me in the Armenian Church is its fact of being “Armenian,” rather than being the Church of Jesus Christ. As you understand, the majority of people take pride in it being “Armenian.” This is the big issue, in my eyes, or at least, one of the big issues. It is contrary to the essence of Christianity, and it is repugnant from my point of view. As you know, I attribute most of the troubles in our Armenian history to our Church doctrine, which has nothing to do with Christianity.

Ara, I am ready to concede that we don't have giants today, and we had some 70 years ago. But we didn't have them 90 years ago. I think the giants "come" when the time is ripe for them. When one looks at the history of the Soviet Armenia, and considers the Armenian post-genocide climate, it becomes apparent that the hope for the future of Armenia has given birth to giants. If there is no hope, who cares about the giants? What purpose would they serve? There is no shortage of intellectual capacity of Armenian individuals. But there is a complete lack of vision and perspective for the future of Armenia. If the vision is there, the giants will be born.

BTac, What is the problem with it? The Patrarchates of Jerusalem and Istanbul are also independent, and have always been so. Why should we have a centralized Church? What purpose does it serve? How about like the Protestant Church, the Armenian Church being a decentralized model? Additionally, by the "Constitution" of the Armenian Church, the Catholicos should've been a formal figure - a symbol, rather than an executive power. It is in the Soviet era that the institution of the Catholocos has usurped power. I think it would be really positive to decentralize the entire structure of the Armenian Church, especially that this is what it should've been according to its "Constitution." By the way, while living in Moscow, I have known the Bishop subject to controversy. I am not of very high opinion of him, however, we have to note that he was one of the three bishops who criticized Karekin I for signing the communiqué with the Pope. Also, if my memory doesn’t betray me, this Bishop was in the opposite camp to Karekin II during his election.

YOGI BERRA QUOTES "Always go to other people's funerals, otherwise they won't come to yours." "Baseball is 90 percent mental. The other half is physical." "Because it gets late early., on why it's so tough to play left field in Yankee stadium." "If the people don't want to come out to the park, nobody's gonna stop them." "It ain't over till it's over." "It's deja vu all over again." "No wonder nobody comes here; it's too crowded." "We have very deep depth!" "We made too many wrong mistakes." "You can observe a lot by just watching."

Kocharian Sees 'Positive' Change After Key West Talks President Robert Kocharian returned to Armenia late Wednesday after a week of intensive peace talks on Nagorno-Artsax in the United States which he said marked progress towards the settlement of the conflict with Azerbaijan. "As far as we are concerned, I can positively assess the course of the negotiations," Kocharian told reporters on his arrival at Yerevan airport, commenting on the results of "proximity talks" with the French, Russian and US mediators. The four-day peace conference, which got underway on April 3 in Key West, Florida, was sponsored by the three co-chairs of the OSCE's Minsk Group. Kocharian said he does not know how successful their separate sessions with the Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliev were but added that he looks forward to the next round of talks due in Geneva next month. The mediators have said that they will draft a new "comprehensive" peace plan on Artsax by that time. Kocharian said he thinks it will significantly differ from the previous Minsk Group proposals and will be based on the so-called "package" approach to the settlement involving a single peace accord on all sticking points, including Artsax's status. He also predicted that the new plan will not run counter to the bedrock of Armenian position on the conflict: Artsax's non-subordination to Baku along with an overland link with Armenian and firm security guarantees. "At least, these principles will be respected," a visibly confident Kocharian said. "I don't think that the new plan will be, to our detriment." The previous Minsk Group proposal, which called for the creation of a "common state" between Artsax and Azerbaijan, was on the whole approved by Yerevan and the leadership of the disputed region. Kocharian further denied any pressure on the conflicting parties from the mediators at Key West: "What happened was constructive and difficult work. The co-chairs have chosen the right work-style at the right moment." The Minsk Group troika has described the Florida talks as "very fruitful.": "We are much closer to peace than we were before this conference," Ambassador Jean-Jacques Gaillarde, who headed the French negotiating team, told reporters late last week. US officials said President George Bush's decision to meet with the Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders on Monday was another sign of major progress. Bush urged the two men to keep up the momentum towards a long-awaited peace deal. Kocharian said his first-ever meeting with Bush was "successful." The Armenian leader briefed French President Jacques Chirac on the results of the latest Artsax negotiations in Paris on 10 April. He said on Wednesday that the meeting with Chirac had been planned beforehand. (Emil Danielyan, Anna Saghabalian)

Etchmiadzin Warned of Establishment of Independent Armenian Church in Russia MOSCOW (Noyan Tapan)--Russian President Vladimir Putin awarded Archbishop Tiran Gureghian with a medal at a special ceremony held at the Kremlin on April 11. Catholicos Karekin II had relieved Gureghian from his position as primate of the diocese due to his failure to go along with orders from Etchmiadzin. Speaking at a news conference held that same day at the Russian Press House were Vartan Mousheghian of the Armenian Apostolic Church's Diocesan Council, Stanislav Bazgoyan of the Diocese and the Moscow Parish Council, the Moscow Armenian community chairman Roman Harutyunov, and Archbishop Tiran Gureghian. Gureghian's service to the Armenian community of Russia, and his role in reaffirming friendly Armenian-Russian relations was highlighted. The speakers expressed their disagreement with the decision taken by Catholicos Karekin II against Arch. Gureghian. According to Bazgoyan, there are people raising the issue of establishing an independent Armenian church in Russia. He warned, "if they continue to persecute our primate, we will no longer be able to prevent separation from Etchmiadzin, which is being demanded by the parishes."

quote:Originally posted by ara baliozian: We are a contradiction that refuses to be resolved. Result? Stagnation, decline, degeneration, and "we are few!" Ara, That may be true. However the inherent contradiction may also serve as a driving engine of progress. There are at least a couple of options available to us in the wake of the existing fundamental contradictions idiosyncratic to our nation and apparent in our history. We may refuse to resolve them, and may proclaim that there are no contradictions with us, and in fact the contradictions are inherent in the rest of the world - "they (the world) don't understand/appreciate us." This will result in arrogant expressions of self-pity or victimological self-destruction - maybe even both. Eventually this would lead to where it has lead for about a millennium - assimilation, and an accelerating one. We may also recognize our contradictions, while attempting to understand their driving sources. In my view, this attempt would lead us towards an assessment of our national ideology, and hopefully, the de-ideologization of our existence. To expect that the older generation is going to change its ways and means is very naive. That generation has been mentally dead for long time. It was not apparent because we didn't have sovereign country. The sovereignty of Armenia has exposed their death. However, there is a great chance that the younger generation - the "Generation Online," might be much healthier than the older ones. The history has given us another chance - an incredible chance to build Virtual/Vertical Armenia anchored at the Republic of Armenia. It wouldn’t be easy, but it is the last chance. It would depend on our determination and our aspirations.

CONFESSIONS OF A FAILURE **************************************** Some of my critics may not be aware of the fact that once upon a time I thought what they think, I felt what they feel, and I attacked anyone who dared to voice the views that I voice today. The transition from what I was to what I am was not an easy one, and it didn’t happen suddenly as a result of a single insight or experience. Rather, it was a painfully slow process that took many years. There was a time when I, too, after a bad experience with a fellow Armenian, would dismiss it as an anomaly or ascribe it to conditions and forces beyond our control. Which is what most of our chauvinists tend to do today, with the result that things keep going from bad to worse. Can I, or a thousand writers like me, arrest this downward spiral? I doubt it. But then, I speak as a skeptic, a pessimist, and as my critics are fond of reminding me, a failure. The questions that need to be asked here are: Has the dogmatism of our bosses and bishops solved any one of our problems? What if optimism in our context is just another word for wishful thinking or self-deception? Finally, in what way is my own failure as a writer different from our failure as a nation? Or, why is it that my critics gloat over my failure as a writer and choose to ignore our failures as a nation? -------------------- ara baliozian

WITH APOLOGIES TO MT. ARARAT ************************************** Again and again I am accused of having a low opinion of my fellow Armenians. Nonsense! I have a low – make it, very low – opinion of charlatans, brown-nosers and parasites (regardless of nationality). I loathe all lies, half-truths and propaganda. As for being a proud Armenian: In a world of proud Gypsies, Kurds and Turks, I have no use for pride. I should like to see a world inhabited by humble men. I should like to see my fellow Armenians reflect and meditate on our collective failures as opposed to bragging about our individual successes (Mikoyan, Saroyan, Gulbenkian, Mamoulian…), or at least to refrain from using our celebrities to cover up our shortcomings, and if that’s too much to ask, may Mt. Ararat forgive me. -------------------- ara baliozian

THREE SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT **************************************** The first says, our problems are so complex that they have resisted all solutions. The second says, our problems are our source of strength, which is why we shouldn’t even try to solve them. The third says, problems? What problems? We have none. The world has problems. We don’t! And sure enough, these dime-a-dozen self-appointed pundits spend most of their time and efforts providing solutions to the problems of the world, including the Middle East, the United States, the Caucasus, and strange as it may seem, Azerbaijan and Turkey. -------------------- ara baliozian

OF MICE AND MEN ***************************** There are people out there -- and I mean highly trained professionals – whose main job consists in introducing complexities where none exists. One could say that they are trained to take a simple straight line and to make of it a maze so intricate that even a mouse of genius could not extricate himself from it even if he tried for a thousand years. Which is where we come in. We might as well be that mouse at the mercy of professional charlatans who have created such a complex and serpentine maze around us that we have failed again and again to emerge from our tribal stage and establish our place in the sun as a nation. The enigma of our destiny? What nonsense! Understand this and consider the enigma (which was never there to begin with) solved. -------------------- ara baliozian

ON OUR OBSESSION WITH ODAR IDEAS ********************************************* We love ideas but only if they come from abroad. We love odar ideas even if they may result in our destruction. As for our own ideas: we treat them like trash. Let us consider the three most important ideas that shaped our destiny as a people: Christianity, nationalism, and Marxism. Christianity reduced us to a giaour island in a Muslim sea. Nationalism brought on a series of massacres that resulted in the 1915 Genocide. Marxism in its Stalinist phase systematically exterminated our political and intellectual elites. And now, consider the idea of solidarity, which may be said to be the central idea of our literature from Yeghishe in the 5th century ("Solidarity is the mother of good deeds, divisiveness of evil ones") to Charents in the 20th ("O Armenian people, your salvation lies only in your collective powers"). To those who say "We don’t need criticism; we need constructive ideas, we need solutions!" I say, it is not the absence of ideas or solutions that prevents us from realizing our potential as a nation but tribal leaders with thick skulls and single-digit IQs who can’t tell the difference between literature and recycled enemy propaganda. -------------------- ara baliozian

DANSE MACABRE ********************** One must have the skin of a crocodile to write for Armeians. The fools insult you because they don’t understand you; the smart ones insult you because they consider it their patriotic duty to inform you in no uncertain terms that they are ahead of you; the arrogant ones insult you because they cannot conceive of anyone (especially not a fellow Armenian) who may know something they don’t know; the partisans operate on the assumption that if you refuse to recycle their crap you must be an enemy of the people, and so on. As for the decent ones (yes, yes, we have those too): they prefer to keep their distance because they don’t like the idea of getting involved in Armenian controversies (make it, verbal massacres) and I for one do not blame them. The only way to explain the wealth and variety of our literature is to say that most of our writers didn’t have a chance to figure out what was happening because if they didn’t die of tuberculosis in their twenties, they were slaughtered by the Turks in their thirties, or they were shot by the Bolsheviks in their forties. Those who survived to be fifty (like Shahnour, Zarian, Massikian) eventually saw the light, gave up in disgust, and fell silent. Compared to what it could have been, our literature is nothing but shadow of itself, make it, the shadow of its skeleton. -------------------- ara baliozian

quote:Originally posted by Nvard: MJ, i hope you meant that I'm the girl, not the guy she kinda looks like me......HELP! Are my teeth getting longer and sharper???!! Dear Nvard, Let me assure you, however, that I didn't mean to pose for the Dracula.

RFE/RL Armenia/Azerbaijan: International Mediators Report Progress On Artsax Dispute By Jean-Christophe Peuch International mediators say that President Robert Kocharian of Armenia and his Azerbaijani counterpart Heidar Aliev made substantial progress toward resolving their countries' long-time dispute over the Nagorno-Artsax region during four days of talks last week in Key West, Florida. But the two leaders themselves have refrained from any detailed comment on the meeting and opposition parties in both countries remain skeptical about the outcome of the peace talks. Prague, 10 April 2001 (RFE/RL) -- The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan met yesterday (Monday) with U.S. President George W. Bush after four days of talks on the Nagorno-Artsax region. International mediators describe their talks as a step forward in the peace process. Bush and his closest foreign-policy advisers held brief separate meetings with Armenian President Robert Kocharian and Azerbaijani President Heidar Aliev at the White House. Few details of the meetings were released. But the fact that the Caucasian leaders met with Bush separately suggests that no breakthrough was achieved last week in the Florida resort of Key West. Bush reportedly urged his interlocutors to keep up the momentum toward a peaceful solution of the 13-year-old conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. The two former Soviet republics have been in conflict over Artsax since the enclave seceded from Azerbaijan in 1988. That move ignited a six-year war that killed about 35,000 people and drove some 800,000 Azerbaijanis from their homes. Despite a truce signed in 1994, scores of people are killed each year along the demarcation line and ethnic Armenian troops still occupy some 20 percent of Azerbaijani territory. Yesterday, Bush reportedly reiterated that he considers peace in the South Caucasus as a top priority of his administration's foreign policy. U.S. oil companies are currently developing some of Azerbaijan's most promising offshore oilfields in the Caspian Sea, and Washington is eager to secure safe transportation of Azerbaijani crude to world markets through Georgia and Turkey. Like most previous such meetings, the Key West talks took place under the aegis of the Minsk Group of nations that has been mandated by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, or OSCE, to monitor the peace negotiations. But it was the first time that the chief representatives of the three Minsk Group co-chairs -- the United States, France, and Russia -- met with both presidents in the same place. Speaking to reporters after last week's meetings, U.S. Ambassador Carey Cavanaugh called them a "bold and significant step forward." In an interview with RFE/RL's Armenian Service, Cavanaugh spoke of Key West's "achievement" but was vague about the results attained. "The biggest achievement here was moving from abstract concepts on how peace may be achieved to concrete details." French Ambassador Jean-Jacques Gaillarde said he thinks the two sides are "much closer to peace" than they were before the Key West talks. Russian First Deputy Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Trubnikov -- the third diplomat in the Minsk Group troika -- described the meetings as "very satisfactory." However, Armenian and Azerbaijani officials were restrained in their comments on the talks. Armenian Foreign Minister Vardan Oskanian was asked by RFE/RL's Armenian Service whether he shares the international mediators' belief that progress was made in Florida. He said: "To some extent you are right. I've already said that there was some progress. There are still many unsolved issues and we do not know what kind of developments will take place regarding these issues. But compared with previous meetings, the Key West talks were a step forward." In Washington yesterday, when asked about the results of his talks with Kocharian, Aliev answered tersely that he had "not had enough time" to gauge the progress made in Key West. Novruz Mamedov heads the foreign affairs department in Aliev's administration. In an interview last week, Mamedov seemed to downplay the importance of the meeting: "All I can say is that the talks were useful and important in helping the sides better understand each other. Here some progress was made. As for [u.S. Ambassador] Cavanaugh's statement that there was important progress, you'd better ask him directly to explain what he had in mind." The international mediators' comments also contrasted sharply with the atmosphere that prevailed at the start of the talks, when Kocharian and Aliev exchanged acid remarks and accused each other of obstructing the peace process. While in Key West, the two leaders had two 15-minute private meetings, which reportedly produced no concrete result. Cavanaugh said last week the Minsk Group will prepare what he called a "new comprehensive proposal for peace" that will be discussed by the two presidents in Geneva in June. The U.S. diplomat provided no details of the new plan, but analysts believe that it could include elements of three previous proposals drafted by the Minsk Group since 1997. None of these plans has been accepted by the two conflicting parties. Tension has been on the rise in Azerbaijan since Aliev ordered details of the OSCE peace proposals published in the state-controlled media. The publication of the drafts six weeks ago (February 21)prompted a debate in Azerbaijan's parliament, where most legislators and political leaders called them unacceptable. Since then, opposition parties, war veterans, and refugees have called for the return of occupied territories by force. Aliev has sounded increasingly sympathetic to those in his country who favor a military solution. But analysts note that during the Key West meetings the Azerbaijani president refrained from mentioning a possible resumption of war. Fear of negative reactions at home may explain why Aliev and Kocharian remained largely non-communicative about the outcome of their Florida talks. Both presidents have repeatedly suggested that they are eager to strike a peace agreement before their mandates expire in 2003. But Armenian and Azerbaijani opposition parties have expressed concern about any accord that might hurt the national interests of their respective countries. Avaz Temirkhan is the deputy head of Azerbaijan's opposition Liberal Party. Speaking to RFE/RL's Azerbaijani Service, he was critical of the Key West talks: "I am sure that if any result was achieved in Key West, it was not in Azerbaijan's interests. The domestic and foreign policies which have been pursued by Azerbaijan in the last eight years cannot help find a solution to the Artsax issue that would be in Azerbaijan's interests. To solve this issue, we need new leadership." Another opposition leader, the National Independence Party's Etibar Mamedov, told RFE/RL that he is convinced that the Florida talks did not provide any substantial result. In Armenia, public opinion was divided over the outcome of the Key West meeting. Pro-government newspapers were cautiously optimistic and opposition dailies accused Kocharian of trying to sell out Artsax. Analysts note that President Levon Ter-Petrosian was forced to resign in 1998 soon after he signaled that he could accept peace proposals that the opposition -- then led by Prime Minister Kocharian -- described as detrimental to Armenia's interests. Now, Kocharian also has to reckon with the leaders of the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Artsax Republic. Azerbaijan has never recognized the legitimacy of the ethnic-Armenian Artsax leadership and has always refused to include it in the peace process. In an interview with "The Los Angeles Times" published a week ago (April 3), Artsax President Arkady Gukasian said that he will not agree to a settlement that creates a confederation with Azerbaijan, an idea that was at the core of the most recent OSCE-backed draft accord. Gukasian also said that all options other than independence or unification with Armenia will be rejected by the Artsax leadership and could lead to a resumption of war. (The Armenian and Azerbaijani services, and Russian Service correspondent Sergei Danilochkin, contributed to this report.)

Armenians in FIDE rating list of April 2001 The International Chess Federation (FIDE) has released the April 2001 rating list. Here is the list of the 10 armenian chessplayers who are among the world top 250 (the rankings and the birth dates of the players are given in parentheses). Except for Kasparov (RUS) and Movsesian (CZE) all others represent Armenia. 1- Garry Kasparov (Ranked Number 1;born in April 13,1963) 2- Vladimir Akopian (Ranked 28th ; b. Dec. 7,1971) 3- Sergei Movsesian (Ranked 43rd ; b. November 3 ,1978) 4- Rafael A. Vaganian (Ranked 46th ; b. October 15,1951) 5- Smbat G. Lputian (Ranked 58th ; b. February 14,1958) 6- Ashot Anastasian (Ranked 86th ; b. July 16, 1964) 7- Artashes Minasian (Ranked 134th ; b. January 21, 1967) 8- Karen Asrian (Ranked 156th ; b. April 24 1980) 9- Aronian Levon (Ranked 184th ; b. October 6, 1982) 10- Gabriel Sargisian (Ranked 234th ; b. February 3, 1983)

PRESS RELEASE Armenian American Cultural Association, Inc (AACA), US Sponsor of Armenian American Mammography University Center (AAMUC) Contact: Ruth Bedevian 1300 Crystal Drive #1504 Arlington, VA 22202 Tel: 703-416-2555 Fax: 703-416-2557 Email: usaaca@aol.com `The Mammography Center's Mission is to save, prolong, and improve the lives of women in Armenia, through the early detection of breast cancer.' FAIR LAWN, NJ ST. LEON WOMEN'S GUILD TO HOST ARMENIAN AMERICAN MAMMOGRAPHY UNIVERSITY CENTER CO-FOUNDERS - APRIL 19 -by Ruth Bedevian Women's lives in Armenia are being saved by early detection of breast cancer. In Armenia, a former soviet republic, this amounts to a miracle because up until 4 years ago there was no modern medical technology to accurately diagnose this leading cause of cancer deaths! "Breast Cancer is not a woman's issue; breast cancer is a human issue that affects all." These are the words of US Ambassador to Armenia, Michael Lemmon, when he addressed the participants at the 4th Annual Health Walk in Yerevan, Armenia October 7, 2000. Breast Cancer is the leading cause of cancer deaths among women in Armenia. On Thursday, April 19, at 7:30 PM, the Armenian American Mammography University Center (AAMUC) will be the focus of guest speakers and co-founders, the Honorable Hranush Hakopian (woman member of the Armenian Parliament) and Rita Balian, CEO of the AAMUC and the founding President of AACA (Armenian American Cultural Association); the AACA is the sponsoring organization of the AAMUC and the entity to which tax deductible donations may be made to the AAMUC. (The organization's overhead expenses have not exceeded 3 percent of the total of grass roots fundraising since its inception 4 years ago.) The St. Leon Women's Guild is pleased to host the community to hear firsthand of the progress and future plans directly from the co-founders; they will share achievements, current initiatives and future plans. Refreshments will be served following an informal questions and answer session. As "breast cancer is not a woman's issue, but a human issue" men as well as women are urged to come, learn, be inspired and give hope to the women of Armenia. Up until 1997, Armenian women did not have access to modern mammography screening; women were dying of cancer, learning too late that their cancer started in their breast. The establishment of the Armenian American Mammography University Center was a response to the critical need for accurate and early detection. The AAMUC is heralded by the American medical community, American diplomats; and US government officials have praised it as a exemplary humanitarian project for its state-of-the-art technology, accountability and cost-effectiveness. "Armenia has the potential to become the future health care center of the entire Caucasus Region. The Mammography Center exemplifies this potential." Peter Tomsen, former US Ambassador to Armenia stated as early as 1998. The Armenian American Mammography University Center is the first of its kind in the entire former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe Until the AAMUC opened its doors, the only diagnostic tools available to detect breast cancer were two machines built in the 1960s. They were obsolete, inaccurate, unreliable, producing unacceptable levels of radiation and often compelling surgeons to perform radical mastectomies because the films could not properly distinguish between cancerous and benign conditions.In the four years since the AAMUC has begun its work, 22,000 women have been examined. Nearly 600 families have received treatment through surgery, chemotherapy, radiation or a combination of these methods. This miracle has happened due to grassroots fundraising, corporate donations of medical equipment, US Government participation, volunteer medical/professional services and the tireless, steadfast, passionate perseverance of its co-founders, Rita Balian, Honorable Hranush Hakopian. The work continues. To reach St. Leon Community Center take Route 4 WEST to the Saddle River Road exit. Drive one mile north. Admission is free. Parking is ample.

I have not known Turks, personally, other than having a student once. For me, he was just another student - not better, not worse. If life would bring me across an honest Turkish person, I wouldn't hesitate to treat him/her, as I would do it with a person of any other nation - including Armenian. I would also prefer a good Turk to a bad Armenian. I don't have any animosity towards any Turks, as long as they don't radiate animosity, themselves. This doesn't imply that I would compromise on my beliefs and expectations of justice. Nor I think my pride would make me to have one or another attitude towards Turks. Less pride - better person I would be. After all, pride is the source of all ills of mankind. I can perfectly coexist also with a Turk, who honestly believes that no Genocide has taken place, or believes that Armenians have come from Alaska. I cannot tolerate it, however, if the person wouldn't accept, at least theoretically, that the Genocide might've happened, and wouldn't want to investigate, and instead would make strong statements of the opposite character.

Imperial Outpost Defining Russia's relationship with Georgia's isolated Akhalkalaki. from EurasiaNet. by Anatol Lieven 22 March 2001 The mainly Armenian-populated Georgian region of Akhalkalaki has never declared independence from Georgia, or even autonomy within Georgia. But then, one might say that it has never really needed to. Isolated in its bowl of mountains, linked to Georgia by only two atrocious roads, Akhalkalaki is already very much a world unto itself. The local currencies are the Russian ruble and the Armenian dram. So rare are Georgian lari that vendors in the bazaar are extremely vague about the exchange rate. The Georgian language is rarely heard, and hardly even taught in the schools, if only because the Georgian Education Ministry's lack of funds has gravely limited the supply of new textbooks. The television watched is Russian or Armenian. Above all, there is absolutely no presence of the Georgian armed forces. The last time they tried even to enter the region was in August 1998, when a Georgian force attempted to hold exercises in the region and was turned back by a crowd that blocked the road, alleging that this was a ploy to establish a permanent--and in their view, highly undesirable--Georgian military garrison. Instead, Akhalkalaki remains home to a Russian military base, with the slogan "To Defend the Interests of the Russian State" emblazoned defiantly on the wall outside its main gate. Akhalkalaki's position on the Turkish border, and on a natural route from Turkey into the southern Caucasus, has long made the area a strategic prize. A ruined medieval castle lies just outside town and was used by the Ottoman Turks as a fortress. The Russian Empire establisheda strong garrison there; in Soviet times the base in Akhalkalaki was the headquarters of a powerful group of forces that confronted those of NATO's Turkey a few miles away across the border. Today, the vast majority of those forces have gone. Under the renegotiated flanking provisions of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty, Russia reduced its forces in the region still further over the course of last year, withdrawing sixty tanks and more than four hundred armored vehicles from Georgia. In October 2000, 76 armored vehicles were moved from Akhalkalaki across the border into Armenia. However, the Akhalkalaki base remains home to up to 3,000 Russian soldiers and is one of four Russian bases to remain in Georgia. Moscow sees the retention of at least a residual military presence in Georgia as essential to secure its lines of communication to the Russian forces stationed in Armenia, and more widely as a way of limiting U.S. and Turkish influence in the southern Caucasus. The Georgian administration of Eduard Shevardnadze, backed by the United States and to a lesser extent the Western Europeans, has long pressed for their withdrawal. At the Istanbul summit of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in November 1999, Russia agreed to withdraw two of these bases, at Vaziani near Tbilisi and Gudauta in Abkhazia, by July of this year--though Moscow is still trying to negotiate continued use of the airfield at Vaziani. However, concerning the other two bases, at Batumi in the autonomous republic of Ajara, and at Akhalkalaki, Russia is pressing the Georgians to grant a 15-year lease, in return for a reduction in Georgia's $179 million gas debt to Russia--a deal which would resemble the one struck with Ukraine over Sevastopol in 1996. The Georgians, for their part, have offered a three-year lease. This position may make some sense as a negotiating counter, but if it is based on a belief that in three years Georgia could take over the base, it is very unrealistic. In fact, nobody with whom I spoke in the Akhalkalaki region--Georgian officials included--thought that there was the slightest chance that Georgia would be able to replace the Russian army even in the medium term, or that Tbilisi either could or should exert any kind of direct pressure to get the Russians to leave. This is because of the extreme weakness of the central Georgian state, but even more importantly because of the rock solid support of the local Armenian population of Akhalkalaki for a continued Russian presence. Literally every single person with whom I spoke on the streets and in the bazaar wanted the base to stay indefinitely. One reason given was continued fear of Turkey. The local population suffered severely under Turkish occupation in 1918 and also received many refugees from the massacres of Armenians in Turkey during the First World War. PROPAGANDA Local Armenian belief that Turkey is a serious threat, and that only the Russian army has ever been able to fight off the Turks, are doubtless assiduously stoked by covert Russian military propaganda. However, those beliefs also have deep roots in history and are passionately held. In the words of Artur, a local teacher, "Turkey is less than 30 kilometers from here, and the Georgian army doesn't exist. If the Russians leave, who will protect us in the last resort? We don't want to see Georgian soldiers here one day, and then Turks the next." As to relations between ordinary Georgians and Armenians, these have remained peaceful (with rare and limited exceptions) but there is considerable underlying tension. Armenians fear a return of the Georgian ethnic chauvinism of the early 1990s, and point to the historic role of anti-Armenian feeling in Georgian nationalism. Georgians, for their part, were angered by the rebellion of the Artsax Armenians against Azerbaijan, and even more by the support of Armenians in Abkhazia for the Abkhaz side in the war of 1992-93, when the "Bagramian battalion" (named after the Armenian Marshal of the Soviet Union) fought on the Abkhaz side. The attachment of local people to the Russian base in Akhalkalaki is increased by the fact that (according to varying figures I was given) between 30 and 40 percent of its soldiers are in fact local Armenians. Due to the distinguished role of Armenians in the Russian and Soviet armed forces, local recruitment applies not just (as in Tajikistan) to the rank-and-file, but also to the officer corps. Those soldiers hold Russian as well as Georgian and sometimes Armenian passports. Their presence underlines what is by far the most important reason for the desire of local people to keep the base--its crucial economic role in a deeply impoverished region. It is simply the only major economic entity still working. In the 1980s, this was a modestly prosperous area. Today, the meat and chicken processing plants, dairy, clothes factory, furniture works, cement works, printers, and shoemakers are all closed. The railway, established briefly toward the end of Soviet rule, has been torn to pieces for scrap. Electricity is better than in most of Georgia, because it is provided by neighboring Armenia--but it is still extremely limited and unreliable. Other than smuggling across the border from Armenia (drugs and other goods often coming originally from Iran and points east), the Russian base is by far the biggest employer, responsible for supporting a quarter or more of the local population. It also provides medical care, at least for informal fees, and brings in goods from Russia, which are resold in local markets. The United States has pledged $10 million to help Russia withdraw the bases, but the local population in Akhalkalaki does not expect to see any of this. WHO TO IMITATE? In the words of Ararat Essoyan, chairman of the more moderate local Armenian political group, the Union for Reform and Democracy, "Our organization is for integration into the world economy; but the actual state of our economy today is such that withdrawal of the base would have a catastrophic effect, and this in turn could have dangerous results politically." He warned that this could change the present sullen acceptance of Akhalkalaki's status into a demand for autonomy--as demanded by the more radical local group, Virk--or even separation. Essoyan's point about the economic situation was emphasized by the fact that most of the interview was conducted by candlelight, in the only room of his party headquarters that could even be partially heated. That opinion was echoed by Malkhaz Khoshtaria, the deputy Georgian presidential representative for the region of Javakhetia that includes Akhalkalaki, speaking in his (also unlit and freezing) office in the town of Akhaltsikhe. "At present, the base plays an absolutely vital economic role. Before we can even think of closing it, we will need to have implemented a serious development program to replace it, beginning with a new road," he said. "I was posted for three years in Akhalkalaki before coming here, and I wrecked two cars on that terrible road…And Armenian fears of the Turks also have to be taken into account, especially given the state of our Georgian army." He and other Georgian officials spoke of the risk that even if the Russians were to withdraw, they would leave behind a heavily-armed paramilitary group of local ex-servicemen, which would pose an even greater threat to Georgia. At the moment (unlike in other parts of the Caucasus) there is no open presence of illegal guns or armed volunteers in Akhalkalaki, and Moscow can be held accountable for any actions of its troops. In these circumstances, it would seem on the face of it sensible for Georgia to imitate Ukraine five years ago and seek to strike a deal with Russia fora longer-term lease for the Akhalkalaki base, rather than stick rigidly to its existing demand. In return, Georgia could gain certain economic benefits and reduce Russian pressure in other areas. However, various factors are working against this. The level of mutual distrust between Georgia and Russia is now so great that Georgian officials fear that any concession to Russia, far from bringing even temporary relief, will only encourage demands for further concessions. On some of these--like allowing Russian troops to use Georgian territory for attacks on Chechen fighters--Tbilisi simply cannot afford to yield. Then there is the hope that some future disaster will so weaken Moscow's position that Russia will in fact have to yield to Georgia's demandto close the bases--or at least offer better terms in three years' time--especially if the West gives Georgia strong support. Finally--like the bizarre demand fora share in the Soviet Union's worthless overseas assets, only now being abandoned by the Shevardnadze administration--the demand for the early closure of the bases has become such a shibboleth of Georgian politics that any government that abandoned it could be subject to an extremely damaging domestic attack. What all these points--and American approaches as well--ignore, however, is the immense underlying strength of Russia's position in Akhalkalaki, and the complete inability of Georgia to do anything about it for the foreseeable future. At least if Georgia strikes a deal, it may get something. If it sticks to existing demands, then there is a good chance that in fifteen years the Russian army will still be in Akhalkalaki to stay, and Georgia will have received nothing. -- Anatol Lieven is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington D.C. He covered Georgian events for The Times (London) in the early and mid-1990s, and visited the country for research in December 2000. This article originally appeared on EurasiaNet, a website that provides news and analysis on political, economic, environmental, and social developments in the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, as well as in Afghanistan, Iran, Mongolia, and Turkey. The website also offers a variety of other features including: hundreds of links; an extensive research database; book reviews; newsmaker interviews, and a discussion forum.

From what I can see, the discussion of Women's Issues is being identified with Feminism. Is it the understanding that there are no Women's Issues beyond those of Feminism? Do you think the Women's Issues in Armenia or Armenian Society are different from those in the rest of the world?

ARMENIA, AZERBAIJAN LEADERS TO MEET BUSH Chicago Tribune April 8, 2001 UNITED STATES -- The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan will meet with President Bush on Monday after "very fruitful" negotiations in Florida on a settlement of their conflict over the enclave of Nagorno-Artsax, a U.S. official said. "This has been a bold and significant step forward," said Ambassador Carey Cavanaugh, the chief U.S. negotiator at four days of peace talks in Key West mediated by diplomats from the U.S., Russia and France. The diplomats are preparing a proposal for a final settlement of the 13-year-old dispute, which has dragged on since a 1994 cease-fire ended fighting that killed more than 30,000 people and drove a million from their homes. On Monday, Azerbaijani President Geidar Aliev and Armenian President Robert Kocharian are scheduled to meet separately with Bush, who will show his support for their efforts and "talk about opportunities to advance peace," Cavanaugh said. Diplomats did not reveal details of the discussions or of plans for the peace proposal.

quote:Originally posted by BTac: MJ, you might be confusing him with Yuri Dokoyan who is not an active player... Now it seems to me that I am indeed talking about somebody else. When I was a youngster, I remember there was a chess educator frequently giving chess classes over TV (there was such a weekly TV program in Yerevan in my youth). I thought the name of the guy was Sergey Movsesyan. Seems like I am mistaken, since that guy should be around 60, now.

Happy Birthday, Nvard! http://www.wearereal.com/gallery/fantasy/caldwell/caldwell_001.jpg [ April 08, 2001: Message edited by: MJ ]