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Address by Robert Kocharian, President of Armenia Strasbourg, 23 June 2004 Mr. President, Members of the Parliamentary Assembly, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is an honor and pleasure to address you. Last time I have addressed the Assembly on a very significant day for Armenia the day of accession to the Council of Europe. These were three demanding years of reforms that have touched upon all the domains of life in our country and necessitated full time employment of all our efforts. Today I am here to announce that Armenia has fulfilled the vast majority of its accession commitments. For the few outstanding ones, there is a timetable agreed with a deadline fixed at the end of this year. Still, if asked of the single most vital achievement I would definitely answer: change in the perceptions in the Armenian society about own future. The people of Armenia is now more involved in the everyday life of the country. Formation of the Civil Society is on the move. Does this mean Armenia has achieved the desirable level of democratic freedoms? The obvious answer is NO. Democracy has a long way to go in any country with high poverty indicators. To assure fully inclusive participation by the people in the democratic process, it is essential to achieve at least minimal level of social guarantees. That is precisely why we have strived to synchronize reforms in economy, political system, judiciary and the social field. In essence, Armenia has completed the process of dismantling the former centralized system of power and economy, which allowed for a total control over the society. Armenian economy has undergone radical transformation both in terms of activity fields and of property forms. The scope and depth of the reforms allowed for a full scale enactment of market economy. At present over 85% of Armenia's GDP is produced in private sector, over 38% of it in small and medium enterprises. Annual GDP growth has averaged at I2% for last three consecutive years, regardless of the blockade implemented by two fellow members of this very organization. That dynamic economic growth has allowed us to develop a long term Poverty Elimination Strategy. The first time in Armenia this governmental program was developed in close cooperation with international financial institutions and also with wide involvement of the society. That Strategy now guides us in the political decision making and in choosing our budget priorities. Fighting corruption is Yet another important step towards effective democracy. The Government of Armenia watches corruption as a systemic evil, which cannot be eradicated merely through rhetoric or a couple of sampler prosecutions. We concentrate on the systemic change aimed at ruling out the sources of corruption. That is exactly why we have joined the GRECO group where we can learn from the experience of other states on combating corruption. Through a wide discussion including the OSCE, we have developed a comprehensive Anti corruption strategy. A few weeks ago I have established an AntiCorruption Council. As an urgent measure directed at eradication of corruption in Armenia I shall prioritize the necessity of deepening the judicial reforms, improvement in tax and customs administration, and formation of an effective system of Civil Service. All these are key tools for implementation of anti corruption policies. In terms of a broader effort aimed at reducing corruption risks, I would like to particularly mention the importance of establishing competitive climate, predictability of governmental action, simplification of procedures, transparency thereof and public control. Those are our current priorities aimed at achieving the sustainability of the reforms and irreversibility of the democratization process in Armenia. Ladies and Gentlemen, I know many of you wonder: what was happening in Armenia last spring? What fostered the activity of the opposition that surrogated the parliamentary work by revolutionary rallies? You are right to wonder, since you have been all informed by the monitoring group Rapporteurs who had visited Armenia only very recently, in January, that there are significant advancements in fulfilling the commitments accepted at the accession. And you know that most of those deal with advancing democracy. Expert evaluations of Armenia by international financial institutes are more than optimistic. Two digit figures of economic growth and budgetary proficit, by default cannot fuel the revolutionary atmosphere. Moreover, there are three full years before the next parliamentary elections. Therefore, there were no internal prerequisites for increase in political activity. Accordingly, what has happened? The answer is easy. The opposition, encouraged by the results of the "rose revolution" in neighboring Georgia, decided to duplicate it in the Armenian reality, which, however, had nothing in common with the Georgian one. They disregarded the fact that Armenia's economy, as opposite to Georgian, undergoes dynamic advancement, the government is efficient, and the democratic achievements are safeguarded by institutional structures, including the law enforcement system capable of protecting the public order. The history has many times demonstrated that inspiration by foreign revolutions never results in positive outcomes. Unfortunately, learning often comes only from own experience. That also happened in our case. The opposition left the parliament and unfolded street activity. They openly declared the goal: to destabilize the situation in the country, cumulate the maximum possible number of participants in a street action, surround the building of the Presidency and force me to resign. Once the opposition witnessed lack of public interest towards their action plan, they decided to increase the tension, most probably to attract attention. They blocked the most loaded avenue of the city of Yerevan. That resulted in disruption of the traffic, prevented normal functioning of the National Assembly, of the Administration of the President and of the Constitutional Court. Four embassies, the National Academy of Science and one of the biggest schools are located at the same avenue. The organizers called on the public for demonstrative disobedience. The police was left with no choice; the public order was restored quickly, without any significant damage to the health of the participants. Necessity of implementation of similar police operations is always regrettable. Still, authorities have to protect the society from political extremists. It is particularly important in young democracies, which still lack the advanced traditions of the political and legal culture. Even more so when part of the population lives in poverty and can be easily manipulated by populist rhetoric. I would like to particularly mention that the parties comprising the ruling coalition have many times offered cooperation to the opposition. Unfortunately, those offers were rejected. The opposition probably thinks that cooperation would undermine the revolutionary temper of their supporters. Our country is in the important stage of its advancement, and I am confident that there are many directions that require non partisan effort. We have offered the opposition to work together on the most important issues the Constitutional reform and the new Electoral Code. The offer is still valid, however the discussions shall be held in the parliament, not in the street. Ladies and gentlemen: I would now like to turn to another important issue: the honoring of obligations by the new members of the Council of Europe. May I remind you that most of the reforms to be implemented by a new member are sensitive issues in domestic politics? Often, implementation of the reforms clashes the inertia of the public opinion. In the case of Armenia examples of such issues are the Constitutional reform, abolition of the death penalty and the new Electoral legislation. Active implementation of commitments by the authorities usually results in increased internal tension and meets active resistance of the opposition. For example, the parliamentary opposition of Armenia openly contested the abolition of the death penalty and the new edition of the Constitution, drafted in close cooperation with the Venice Commission. Honoring the obligations is a heavy political load accepted by the entire country, not only by the authorities. Our application for accession to the Council of Europe was signed by all the parliamentary factions. In this Assembly the country is presented by the entire parliamentary spectrum. Therefore, the duty of honoring the obligations shall bind the opposition as much as the government. One ought not purposefully fail to comply with own obligations for the sole purpose of discrediting the ruling political authorities in face of the Council of Europe. I would never talk about all this if "not the recent resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly on Armenia. I regret that some of our MPs drew the PACE into that discussion. I am confident that the Council of Europe is not the best choice for the place to practice the opposition authority contention. For that purpose there is national parliament: the main political mise en scene of Armenia. Mr. Chairman: I would now like to turn to one of the priority interest issues for Armenia. At the time of accession Armenia undertook to make steps towards peaceful settlement of the Nagorno Karabagh conflict. We have done so because we highly appreciate the necessity of friendly relations among neighboring states. However, to be able to effectively secure a long lasting solution, one needs to deeply understand the essence of the conflict. I would like to outline two important factors characteristic of the Karabagh conflict. First of all: Karabagh has never been part of independent Azerbaijan. At the time of collapse of the Soviet Union two states were formed: the Azerbaijani Republic on the territory of Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic and Republic of Nagorno Karabagh on the territory of the Nagorno Karabagh Autonomous Region. Establishment of both these states has similar legal grounds. The territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, henceforth, has nothing to do with the Republic of Nagorno Karabagh. We are ready to discuss the issue of settling that conflict in the legal domain. Second: the war of I992 94 was launched by the aggression of the Azeri authorities, which attempted to implement ethnic cleansing of the territory of Nagorno Karabagh with the purpose of its annexation. The situation in place today is the result of a selfless fight of the Armenians of Nagorno Karabagh for survival on their own land. It is a classical example of both the implementation of the right for self determination and of misusing the "territorial integrity" concept as a justification for ethnic cleansings. The people of Karabagh has prevailed in it's strive for independent life in an egalitarian society. Independence of Karabagh today has I6 years of history. An entire generation grew up there that can think of no other status for the country. Nagorno Karabagh Republic today is an established state, in essence meeting all of the Council of Europe's membership criteria. It is the reality which cannot be ignored. That is exactly why we insist on direct participation of Nagorrio Karabagh in the negotiations, in which Armenia actively participates. The solution shall emerge from the substance of the conflict and not from the perception of the possible strengthening of Azerbaijan through future "oil money". "Oil money" approach is the formula of confrontation and not of compromise. Armenia is ready to continue and advance the cease fire regime. We are ready for serious negotiations on a full scale solution for the conflict. That is exactly why we have accepted two last formulas of solution offered by the international mediators, which, unfortunately, were denied by Azerbaijan. It is difficult to overstate the importance of advancement of the regional cooperation in the Southern Caucasus. There is a wide spectrum for potential cooperation: from synchronization of legislation to restoring the interconnected transportation systems and to joint projects in the energy sector. We are confident that regional cooperation is the right route to the settlement of conflicts. We have no doubt that South Caucasus as a region of inclusive economic cooperation will be able to achieve much more than three states of the region can dream of doing on their own. We believe in peace and cooperation. Southern Caucasus has always been sensitive of external influences. Located at the crossroads of civilizations with vast potential in resources and numerous transit roots, it has always been a zone of increased interest. These considerations guided us in forming our foreign policy of "complimentarity." That policy is based on the concept of seeking advantages in softening the contradictions of the global and regional powers, and not in deepening the gaps. We are responsible for the regional stability and our actions shall help to solve problems, instead of creating new ones. That approach allowed us to develop trustworthy relations with the United States, the European Union and Iran, and to strengthen the traditional kinship with Russia. In this context I would also like to concentrate on the Armenian Turkish relations, or rather on their absence. Those relations are shaded by the memories of the past: the Genocide, its consequences and lack of repentance. Nowadays the situation is worsened by the blockade of Armenia by Turkey. I would like to outline two principals which in my view are crucial to finding the way out from this impasse. First of all: Developing practical ties and deliberations over the inherited problems shall take place in different dimensions and shall not influence one the other. Second: Armenian Turkish relations shall not be conditioned by our relations with a third country (Azerbaijan). Any precondition terminates all positive expectations. Dear Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen: Concluding, I would like to assure you that Armenia perceives its future in full scale integration with the European family. A few days ago the European Union has decided to include Armenia in its "new neighborhood" initiative. This will further advance our resolve to satisfy the European criteria, to be able to contribute and fully benefit from the cooperation between our states and nations. We walk this road with deep belief and confidence and we appreciate your efforts to help us in that uneasy but crucial effort. Thank you for your attention. http://www.coe.int/T/E/Com/Files/PA-Sessio...3_kocharian.asp
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The loosers are in crisis “Hayots Ashkhar” says that the Armenian opposition seems to be “revising its tactics” after the failure of its spring campaign for President Robert Kocharian’s resignation. The paper says the Artarutyun bloc and the National Unity Party are now desperate to maintain political tension that reached its climax in April and to benefit from “some foreign policy movements.” “But the new foreign policy challenges, the likelihood of which is really great, will serve as a gauntlet thrown at not only the authorities but also the entire country, including the opposition.” The latter should therefore stop using the issue to “blackmail” the government. If the opposition wants to be respected and reckoned with by the government, “Hayots Ashkhar” continues, it must abandon “the tactics of taking advantage of external difficulties awaiting the country.” “As long as the opposition pins its hopes on the discussion of the fulfillment of Armenia’s obligations at the Council of Europe, continues to bombard the world’s mighty forces with petitions, but refuses to open the door of its own National Assembly, it will itself stand in the way of likely domestic political dialogue,” the paper concludes. Gurgen Arsenian, the leader of the pro-establishment United Labor Party (MAK) represented in parliament, claims that the recent opposition actions were engineered by unspecified “Moscow commercial structures.” “I am talking about those structures that don’t represent the Russian government and act within the framework of Armenian interests,” Arsenian tells “Aravot.” “Those Moscow structures have a certain volume of business which tempts them to have also state power in Armenia.” Arsenian speculates those “structures” are bent on weakening the Armenian side’s bargaining position in the Nagorno-Artsax peace talks. As for the Russian government, its position on Artsax will not necessarily be pro-Armenian, he adds. Vazgen Manukian, a veteran opposition politician, tells “Aravot” that “a certain stage of the opposition’s struggle has come to its end” and that it is now “time for dialogue.” “Before the next Council of Europe resolution the authorities will make some efforts regarding the release of political prisoners, which will create a psychological possibility of talks,” Manukian says. “Both sides must understand that they are up against a wall and that they can break it only by talking [to each other].” Writing in “Azg,” a prominent Armenian philologist, Avik Isahakian, makes the point that the Yerevan municipality has done more to whip up anti-government sentiment in the country than the opposition leaders. Isahakian compares the shrinkage of the city’s public parks sanctioned by the municipal authorities to “enemy occupation.” “The once thriving parks are being divided piece by piece among a group of [business] predators,” Isahakian says bitterly. Armenians can not fail to dislike their government after seeing all of this, he says. RFE/RL
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I highly doubt that all these buildings were designed or built by Ezdis. But this is Yerevan and we love it. http://www.yerevanarmenia.com/images/From%20roof/DSC05331.JPG http://www.yerevanarmenia.com/images/From%20roof/DSC04475.JPG http://www.yerevanarmenia.com/images/From%20roof/DSC04924.JPG More images of Yerevan from roof
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I wonder what you guys mean by the rest of Yerevan. Is it just the Kentron, the neighborhoods with ugly Soviet era apartment buildings, or parts that are just villages attached to each other? I think Yerevan may as well have modern styled buildings, too.
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Here is what the man had to say. Council Of Europe ‘Not A Politburo For Armenia,’ Kocharian Says By Ruzanna Stepanian President Robert Kocharian on Thursday took issue with and downplayed the criticism of his government’s response to recent opposition rallies made by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) last week. Kocharian said that while he finds “normal” the recommendations contained in the PACE resolution, he disagrees with its assessment of the Armenian authorities’ response to the campaign of street protests launched by the opposition one month ago. “We are looking into [the document]. I see no particularly big problems in its content,” he told journalists on the sidelines of a business exhibition in Yerevan. “But there are quite serious inaccuracies in the description and chronology of events. “We will prepare our reply to this description in a few days’ time, and will submit our written opinion on that document in June.” The PACE strongly criticized the crackdown on the opposition, saying that it contradicts “the letter and the spirit” of its earlier recommendations to the Armenian authorities. Its resolution called on the authorities to scrap “unjustified restrictions” on peaceful demonstrations, release opposition detainees and investigate the “human rights abuses” reported over the past month. The resolution warned that Yerevan will face sanctions if it fails to address these demands by next September. The Strasbourg-based assembly, whose decisions are important but not binding for the Council of Europe leadership, at the same time refused to back the opposition leaders’ demands for a referendum of confidence in Kocharian whose 2003 reelection they refuse to recognize. It said reported fraud and irregularities “did not decisively change the outcome of the elections nor invalidate their final results.” Kocharian indicated that the Council of Europe can not force his administration to comply with all of its demands because it does not have as much authority over Armenia as the Soviet Union’s governing Communist Party Politburo had before the Soviet collapse. “You must not regard the Council of Europe as the former Politburo where they made and imposed decisions,” he said. “It’s an organization of which we are also a member. We have a right to vote and express our opinion there.” Asked whether the Armenian authorities will accept the PACE demand for an immediate end to the controversial “administrative arrests” of participants of opposition rallies, he replied: “I’m not going to discuss every line [in the resolution] here. Let’s just be more serious on this issue.” source: RFE/RL
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Aaron, The fund is already established and has website at www.martik.am. People can sign up and contribute online, too. First to join the fund initiative were the President of Republic of Armenia, government officials and prominent military generals and officers. It is certainly a very good idea.
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“The Council of Europe supports the dialogue between the authorities and the opposition, and has a successful experience of sponsoring it in various countries,” Schwimmer told a news conference in Strasbourg. He said his permanent representative in Yerevan, Natalia Voutova, is ready to assist in arranging direct contacts between the two sides. A draft PACE resolution drawn up by a committee monitoring Armenia’s compliance with its membership commitments condemns the crack down, ill-treatment, restriction on freedom of expression, and unjustified restrictions by police and authorities. Its draft resolution also explicitly states that the Armenian opposition “should refrain from attempts to use street demonstrations to reverse the results of last year’s elections, which have been, in spite of the irregularities, validated by relevant national and international bodies.” Schwimmer likewise urged the opposition to “return to parliament from the streets.” Source: RFE/RL I absolutely agree with the resolution by Council of Europe. However they should have stressed the fact of presidential election being validated more explicitly in the first place after elections, then continually brag about irregularities. We all know that irregularities happened and need to be stopped in the future. No body seems to disagree with that. But what became a subject to wishful interpretations by the opposition is the outcome of the elections. Both Geghamian and Demrichian claimed they got 70% of votes each…?? Apparently Council of Europe has misjudged about common sense of the opposition.
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www.artsakhtert.com ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЙ ЛЕКСИКОН ОБОГАЩАЕТСЯ ОПАСНЫМИ СЛОВОСОЧЕТАНИЯМИ Митинги оппозиции Армении сопровождаются оскорбительными заявлениями в адрес Карабаха. В Армении проводится последовательная политика дискредитации идеи Карабаха. Делается ли это волей или неволей - неважно. Факт,что в народе укореняется враждебность к арцахцам. Тенденция эта не нова, опасны новые ее проявления. Еще в 1998 году лидеры НДС заявляли на митингах на площади Свободы, что пока в Армении часть власти находится в руках уроженцев Карабаха, демократии в стране не будет. До этого же первый президент Армении Левон Тер-Петросян, под давлением известных сил заявивший о своей отставке, охарактеризовал приходящих к власти людей "партией войны", что, естественно, было воспринято международным сообществом неоднозначно. К сожалению, эти слова прозвучали из уст первого лица государства, пришедшего к власти, как и его товарищи, на волне Карабахского движения и, стало быть, находящиеся в долгу перед Карабахом. В последние годы усилиями члена правления АОД Давида Шахназаряна в армянском политическом лексиконе появилось также непозволительное выражение "карабахский клан". На сегодняшних митингах упомянутое словосочетание стало важнейшей частью выступлений Арташеса Гегамяна, Виктора Даллакяна, Шаварша Кочаряна и других, в свое время обвинявших АОД во всех смертных грехах. Сегодняшняя оппозиция многослойна. Ряды требующих отставки Роберта Кочаряна пестры - коммунисты, АОДовцы, НДС и его осколки, бывшие республиканцы, участники Карабахской борьбы. Обратите внимание: выступающие на митингах азатамартики никогда не употребляют выражение "карабахский клан". Наоборот, его произносят те ораторы, которые в годы Карабахской войны успешно занимались бизнесом и плевать хотели на мнение "недоедающего" народа и проливающих кровь азатамартиков. Лидер "Национального единства" Арташес Гегамян на днях в одной из газет обогатил политический лексикон еще одним непозволительным выражением в адрес президента Кочаряна: "Все равно рано или поздно он предстанет перед Европейским судом по правам человека, причем не статусе свидетеля, а обвиняемого". Не исключено, что со временем мечтающий о троне Гегамян изъявит желание увидеть Кочаряна в статусе обвиняемого в Гаагском суде по военным преступлениям. Пожалуй, не случайно и то, что некоторые средства массовой информации Армении с удовольствием перепечатывают статьи из азербайджанских СМИ, в которых отмечаются перспективы привлечения президента Кочаряна и других активных участников Карабахской войны к ответственности в Гаагском суде по военным преступлениям.
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Guys, Before advertising a web site, make sure you know who are the people sponsoring it. According to armenianow.com about us, they are published by New Times Journalism Training Center, a Non-Governmental Organization in Yerevan, Armenia. Who funds the New Times Journalism Training Center? They also claim that ArmeniaNow journalists receive a stipend for their training and production of stories. Funding is made possible by private donations. Who are these the private donors? Doesn't this simply mean ordered stories? So I as private donation giver can sponsor a story I prefer and make it possible. Competitive forces between participating journalists will certainly lead to production of stories that donors will pay for. In conclusion don't take to close to your heart sensitive and sentimental stories published on that site sponsored by "private donations" also known as kick backs. The real truth lies somewhere between armenialiberty.org or aravot.am publications and H1 hyelur or armenpress.am. Read both pro-opposition publications and pro-government and then use your common sense, unless you are driven by wishful thinking.
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Armat, What was a mature female friend of yours doing in the middle of Baghramian Avenue at 2am? Besides, it is the duty of police to keep public order and even use force to enforce it. Tomorrow is 89th anniversary of Armenian Genocide, try rallying in the middle of a street next to a Government building where ever you live. When police ask you to leave, refuse, and you will see the fruits of real democracy
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I accidentally came across an Azeri site about www.armenianterror.net/heros.htm and apparently Armenian Hero Monte Melkonian is only the second on their list after Rober Kocharian, the President of Armenian Republic. I wonder who would be on "Friends of Azerbaijan" list from Armenia? They sure have some Armenian friends... I just hope the saying, "Enemy of my enemy is my friend", will not hold true in this case. However, statements by some Armenian opposition members are the most celebrated quotes in Azeri media. Also, some of the images on that site seem to be from http://janfedayi.com/ page. Should there be a copy rights action taken? edit: fixed the link
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Everything is in order [Golos Armenii correspondent] Mr Sarkisyan, the first question is about the domestic political situation. How do you assess the recent events, in particular the opposition meetings and dispersal of the demonstration on Bagramyan Avenue? [serzh Sarkisyan] Everything is in order. In order to assess today's situation correctly, let us go back several months and recall how the irreconcilable minority was threatening to announce the time, day and even hour of the change of power. The authorities took those statements and threats very calmly, but the opposition opted to worsen the situation. You know, we reacted calmly to lies, invented accusations and even personal insults... But that was until they started talking openly about taking power by force. Then the authorities took certain measures and we have seen the result... They threatened to take 100-150,000 people onto the streets. They made announcements on behalf of the people as though only the radical opposition are the people's representatives and all the rest are their enemies. Today it is obvious that these people do not have any right to speak on behalf of the people, as they could not get even the number of voters of one constituency to their rally... Moreover, either because they were annoyed by this or insulted, they decided to resort to extreme measures. Let's recall the sequence of events: the opposition wanted to hold a rally on Theatre Square [also known as Freedom Square], they held one, although it had not actually been authorized. The opposition wanted to hold a sit-down strike, again no-one stopped them, but, unfortunately, today's radicals are the type of people who consider a normal attitude to be a sign of weakness and become more insolent... And the opposition decided that 2,000 people could come and disrupt the normal life of the whole nation. Of course, the law-enforcement structures had to take steps... Opposition are deluding people [Correspondent] The results are evident. But what conclusions may be drawn from what happened? [sarkisyan] Conclusions... First of all, the executive power should make conclusions. We should look at our work in a new way. You know, nobody, neither the president nor prime minister nor any minister said that there is no problem in their sphere and everything is OK. There are numerous problems. Specifically in my sphere there are many problems, but we work on the principle: everything is relative. Otherwise the question will undoubtedly arise: "But who are the judges?" From this point of view, if we compare 2004 and 2000, progress is obvious. Moreover, in all spheres. We should try to make the progress more noticeable, tangible, but at the same time we should and will put in their place those who are trying to play on the people's emotions, who are trying to delude the people, to speak in their name. Recently I had the pleasure at the Drama Theatre to hear once more the marvellous thoughts of Paruyr Sevak, declaimed by actor Artur Utmazyan. "To delude the people is a crime", Paruyr Sevak said. You have to agree with him. It really is a crime to play on the people's social problems and say: "You go, we'll come in and do better." Who said that they can do better? Another marvellous poet, Shota Rustaveli, said: "Everyone thinks he is a strategist when he watches a battle from the sidelines." It seems to them that they can do something. But it is obvious that, even in organizing rallies, these people do not even have an iota of organizing ability. All their activity is based on lies and falsification. They lie, both in the small things and the big. They do not hesitate to look into the eyes of those who came to support them. I cannot imagine how, seeing 5-6,000 people who have come to support them, they can say: "My dear people, thank you that 100,000 of you have come." And they do not even blush. What can you make of the speeches of the opposition leaders in the foreign press, first of all the Russian? What kind of behaviour is that? They have convinced themselves that we are leading the people to disaster and now they are trying to persuade other people of this, our friends as well as enemies. What is this, if not betrayal? It turns out that they are aspiring to assure Azerbaijan: "Look, the authorities in Armenia have neither a basis nor an army. Come and achieve your objectives!" [Correspondent] The view has been spread that our opposition is acting in unison with Azerbaijan... [sarkisyan] No, certainly there is no direct connection. Here there may not be two opinions. It is another question if the interests coincide here. The problem is that these people are unscrupulous. There is only one slogan for them - the worse it is in Armenia, the better for them. Azerbaijan is certainly guided by the same slogan, and not only Azerbaijan... Armenia's position on Artsax unchanged [Correspondent] By the way, the national security minister of Azerbaijan has often spoken recently about his secret service in Armenia. Do you see signs of it? [sarkisyan] I think that these statements are first of all made for local consumption. After all, it is known that the Azerbaijanis like to boast and not only about this... Sometimes they liberate what seem to them to be villages, sometimes something else... No serious leader of a secret service of a serious country will say openly that his secret service is operating in another country. This childishness ill befits the leader of a secret service. [Correspondent] May the domestic political tension negatively affect the country's foreign policy objectives, in particular the diplomatic settlement of the Artsax conflict? [sarkisyan] It is clear that there is no benefit from this situation. During any talks our positions will be much stronger, if this type of situation does not arise. It is no secret that the soundness of any country, especially of a country that is in a state of "neither war nor peace", the soundness of any army, mostly depends on the soundness of its rear. As for the NKR problem, I should say that in this matter the positions of the Armenian authorities are strong and unchangeable. There are three known principles: the impossibility of Artsakh [Artsax] being subordinate to Azerbaijan; the impossibility of an enclave status for Artsakh; and security guarantees. We have neither the desire nor the potential to give up something more and we shall stand up for our position. It is also known that today the negotiating process has slowed down at the initiative of Azerbaijan. [Correspondent] Recently Azerbaijan's new foreign minister stated their principles, that Azerbaijan will not agree to the independence of Artsax or its joining Armenia. [sarkisyan] These are not new principles. All this has been the corner-stone of their activity since 1988, and if a new president of Azerbaijan wants to travel the same road that we travelled since 1988, that is his problem. I do not understand what it means "to start from scratch". From 1988, 1918 or may be to go even further back? Armenia guarantor of Artsax's security [Correspondent] You talked about the connection between the soundness of the rear and of the army. What is the situation in the Armenian armed forces today? [sarkisyan] I need a very long time to answer this question. To be brief, we are implementing the plan for 2004, in particular in supporting the fighting efficiency of the armed forces. Exercises are held from time to time, they are more or less objective criteria of the fighting efficiency of the troops. Recently we held command-headquarters exercises for the first time. Our objective was to learn how in the conditions of constant reforms in the economy our structures were able to adapt to these new conditions in the rear, to the problems of material supplies, replenishment and fighting efficiency. The exercises showed that, in spite of problems, the situation may be considered satisfactory. [Correspondent] They say in Azerbaijan that in your ministry they are going to reconsider the military doctrine and, according to the foreseen changes, if war resumes, the NKR army will pass under the direct subordination of the Armenian armed forces. What is the state of the military doctrine? Is there one? [sarkisyan] We have a military doctrine. But it does not exist on its own, it is part of the whole security system. Maybe we need one general document, the main part of which will be our military doctrine. But as a rule these tactical problems are not touched on in military doctrines. But it is clear that Armenia and, in particular, our army is the guarantor of the Nagornyy Artsax people's security, nobody has nor should they have any illusions about this. The doctrine may change, it may not change, there may be a doctrine, there may not... Armenia is the guarantor of Nagornyy Artsax's security. [Correspondent] Are you satisfied with the budget of our armed forces? They often say that Azerbaijan's military budget is much larger than ours. [sarkisyan] Really our military budget is almost half that of Azerbaijan. But I think that the resources given are enough to support the army's fighting efficiency and the dynamic of change in the military budget is acceptable. I do not want to touch on the details, but the Azerbaijani army is bigger than ours so for this reason expenditure is also greater. In addition, the president and prime minister of our republic often find opportunities to settle some of the armed forces' problems, which should have been settled from the military budget. Too early to say if Armenia will go to NATO exercises in Baku [Correspondent] The relations of our armed forces with the [CIS] Collective Security Treaty [CST] are more or less obvious. What can you say about cooperation with NATO? Will Armenia take part in the NATO exercises in Baku this autumn? [sarkisyan] It is still early to give a final answer, but at the last stage of planning for the exercises in Kiev we confirmed that as a fully-fledged member of the Partnership for Peace programme we have the right and are obliged to take part in the exercises. We shall see how Azerbaijan will behave in future. As for our relations with NATO, they are moving forward. We continue to integrate into different NATO programmes and I think this can only be useful for our armed forces. Remaining a member of the CST, we shall develop our bilateral relations with NATO and the countries of the bloc. Our military cooperation with NATO is also developing normally. I think we do not have the right to become closed in on ourselves and we shall only gain from that cooperation. [Correspondent] To put the question more basically, do you not think that we are lagging behind Georgia and Azerbaijan in cooperation with NATO? [sarkisyan] If we take into account only the statements of Georgia and Azerbaijan about their desire to become a member of the bloc, in this sense they are ahead. Joining NATO is not on our foreign policy agenda and, for this reason, naturally we do not make this kind of statement, here everything is clear. As for the level of cooperation, we are not lagging behind. Economy the priority [Correspondent] As secretary of the Security Council, what current objective of Armenian statehood is the most relevant? [sarkisyan] It is difficult to single out one. Nevertheless, I think the main objective is to ensure high rates of economic development. If the economy is developing at a high rate, then the country's budget will be able to allocate funds to security as well as social problems and the army. Stable rates of development, this is the most important today. My words may seem strange, because it is accepted to speak much about the priority of democracy and human values. But for me it is almost an axiom: all this first of all depends on economic development, on the means in your budget, on the wages and pensions of citizens, on the wages and pensions of the officers of the armed forces, on the means to ensure security and the development of democratic institutions. I am sure that if by some miracle we manage to increase the living standard in Armenia 10 times, in that case hardly anyone would want to go to rallies. For this reason I think that all the efforts should be directed at achieving this objective. No damage to Armenia's international image from dispersal of rally [Correspondent] What do you think, may the recent events in Armenia have a negative affect on the attitude of international organizations and Western countries towards our country? [sarkisyan] I do not think so, because everything was within the framework of the law. Every day you see on the television the steps taken by European and US law-enforcement agencies to support public order. I think that, on the contrary, nobody would have understood us if 2,000 people had paralysed the life of the whole of Yerevan.
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Ruling coalition issues statement 15.04.2004 18:41 statement YEREVAN (YERKIR) - Members of the ruling coalition, the Republican Party of Armenia, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and the Orinats Yerkir party, made a joint statement Thursday over the tension of the political situation in Armenia. The intolerant and extreme position existing in the political arena, as well as the tactics to put forward demands that are from the very beginning unacceptable for dialogue, increased the tension and resulted in open confrontation. The normal way and civilized methods of settling the problems existing in the country were replaced with a dangerous and shortsighted style leading to clashes. Through their statements and offers for dialogue, the member parties of the political coalition have constantly warned against the unwanted consequences of such developments. The upsetting clash of April 12-13 and the events that followed, come to prove again that it is the entire society that suffers the devastating consequences of the confrontation and clashes. The dialogue-exclusive style will lessen the influence of political forces in resolving the situation and the likelihood of political solutions, making the process remain in legal field where only the letter and the spirit of law are exercised. The political coalition, based on its belief that there is no alternative to the dialogue and is never outdated, standing above the accusations voiced against it, once again offers the issues that could be resolved in an accord with the opposition to ensure a real progress in the country and deepening of democratic reforms without dividing the society into winners and losers. 1. An opportunity to jointly adopt key sections of constitutional amendments 2. An opportunity to jointly amend the Election Code which would be in line with international standards 3. Inclusion of the opposition in the fight against corruption 4. Timely implementation of obligations before the Council of Europe During the dialogue, the political coalition is ready to discuss the possibility of including the opposition's other proposals to the agenda of challenges the country faces. With this suggestion, the political coalition is inviting the opposition political forces to start the political process of dialogue any time in the National Assembly. Republican Party of Armenia Armenian Revolutionary Federation Orinats Yerkir Party
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Серж САРКИСЯН: "ВСЕ ЗАКОНОМЕРНО" Эксклюзивное интервью министра обороны РА, секретаря Совета безопасности Армении Сержа САРКИСЯНА "ГА" - Г-н Саркисян, первый вопрос о внутриполитической ситуации. Как вы оцениваете последние события, в частности, митинги оппозиции и разгон демонстрации на проспекте Баграмяна? - Все закономерно. Для того чтобы правильно оценить нынешнюю ситуацию, давайте вернемся на несколько месяцев назад и вспомним, как непримиримое меньшинство прилюдно грозилось объявить время, день и даже час смены власти. Смены власти любой ценой. Власти очень спокойно восприняли эти заявления и угрозы, но оппозиция пошла на обострение ситуации. Знаете, мы спокойно относились ко лжи, к надуманным обвинениям, даже к личным оскорблениям... Но до тех пор, пока они не начали откровенно говорить о том, что силой возьмут власть. Тогда власть предприняла определенные шаги, и мы увидели результат... Нам угрожали вывести на улицы 100-150 тысяч человек, делались заявления от имени народа в такой тональности, что только радикальная оппозиция является представителем народа, а все остальные - его враги. Сейчас очевидно, что эти люди не имеют никакого права говорить от имени народа, так как не смогли привести на свой митинг число избирателей хотя бы одного округа... Более того, то ли обидевшись от этого, то ли оскорбившись, решили пойти на экстремальные шаги. Вспомним очередность событий: оппозиция хотела провести митинг на Театральной площади - провела, хотя он действительно не был разрешенным. Оппозиция хотела провести сидячую забастовку, ей опять никто не препятствовал, но, к сожалению, сегодняшние радикалы представляют тот человеческий тип, который нормальное отношение воспринимает как признак слабости и наглеет... И оппозиция решила, что 2 тысячи человек могут прийти и расстроить нормальную жизнь всего народа. Естественно, что правовые структуры должны были принять меры... - Результат очевиден, но какие выводы можно сделать из всего случившегося? - Выводы... В первую очередь выводы, конечно, должна делать исполнительная власть. Мы должны по-новому посмотреть на свою работу. Знаете, ведь никто - ни президент, ни премьер, ни кто-либо из министров не говорил, что в его сфере нет проблем и все хорошо. Проблемы многочисленны. Конкретно в моей сфере есть множество задач, но мы исходим из принципа: все познается в сравнении. Иначе неизбежно возникает вопрос: "А судьи кто?". С этой точки зрения, если мы сравниваем 2004 год с 2000-м, прогресс очевиден. Причем во всех сферах. Мы должны стремиться, чтобы этот прогресс был более заметным, осязаемым, но в то же время должны и будем ставить на место всех тех, кто пробует играть на эмоциях людей, кто пробует льстить народу, говорить от его имени. Недавно в Драматическом театре имел удовольствие лишний раз услышать замечательные мысли Паруйра Севака в исполнении актера Артура Утмазяна. "Льстить народу - преступление", - говорил Паруйр Севак. С ним нельзя не согласиться. Действительно, преступление играть на социальных проблемах народа и говорить: "Вы уходите, придем мы, сделаем лучше". Кто сказал, что они могут сделать лучше? Другой замечательный поэт Шота Руставели констатировал: "Каждый мнит себя стратегом, видя бой со стороны". Им кажется, что они могут что-то сделать. Но очевидно: даже при организации митингов у этих людей ни на миллиметр не проявляются организаторские способности. Вся их деятельность основана на лжи и фальсификациях. Врут и в малом, и в большом. Причем не стесняясь смотреть в глаза людям, которые их же пришли поддержать. Я не представляю, как можно, глядя на 5-6 тысяч человек, пришедших тебя поддержать, говорить: "Народ-джан, спасибо, что вас собралось здесь 100 тысяч человек". И даже не покраснеть. А как оценить выступления оппозиционеров в зарубежной, прежде всего, российской прессе? Что это за подход? Они сами себя уверили в том, что мы ведем страну к пропасти, и теперь стараются убедить в этом других - как наших друзей, так и врагов. Что это, как не предательство? Ведь получается, что они стремятся убедить Азербайджан: "Смотрите, власти в Армении не имеют ни опоры, ни армии. Приходите, решайте ваши задачи"! - Распространена точка зрения, что наша оппозиция действует в унисон с Азербайджаном... - Нет, прямой связи, конечно же, нет. Здесь двух мнений быть не может. Другой вопрос, что есть совпадение интересов. Проблема в том, что эти люди абсолютно неразборчивы в средствах. Для них существует только один лозунг - чем хуже в Армении, тем лучше для них. Тем же лозунгом, естественно, руководствуются и в Азербайджане. И не только в Азербайджане... - Кстати, министр Национальной безопасности Азербайджана в последнее время пристрастился говорить о своей агентуре, которая действует в Армении. Вы видите признаки этого? - Думаю, подобные заявления в первую очередь направлены на внутреннее пользование. Ведь известно, что азербайджанцы не только по этому поводу любят хвалиться... То они какие-то кажущиеся им деревни освобождают, то еще что-то... Ни один серьезный руководитель спецслужбы серьезной страны не будет открыто говорить, что в другой стране действует его агентура. Подобное мальчишество не подобает руководителю спецслужб. - Может ли внутриполитическая напряженность негативно отразиться на тех внешнеполитических задачах, которые стоят перед страной, в частности, на дипломатическом урегулировании нагорно-карабахского конфликта? - То, что пользы от этой ситуации никакой, - однозначно. При любых переговорах наши позиции будут гораздо более прочными, если подобных ситуаций не будет. Прочность любого государства, тем более находящегося в ситуации "ни войны, ни мира", прочность любой армии во многом зависит от прочности тыла, это общеизвестно. Однако, что касается проблемы НКР, должен подчеркнуть, что в этом вопросе позиции властей Армении тверды и неизменны. Есть три известных принципа о невозможности подчинения Арцаха Азербайджану, о невозможности анклавного существования Арцаха и гарантиях безопасности. У нас нет ни желания, ни возможности уступать что-то большее, и мы будем отстаивать нашу позицию. Известно также, что сегодня переговорный процесс замедлился по инициативе и желанию руководства Азербайджана. - Недавно новый министр ИД Азербайджана озвучил их принципы о том, что Азербайджан не согласится с независимым существованием Нагорного Карабаха или его присоединением к Армении. - Это не новые принципы. Все это - краеугольный камень их деятельности еще с 1988 года, и если новый президент Азербайджана хочет снова пройти ту же дорогу, что мы прошли с 1988 года, - это его проблемы. Повторюсь, я не понимаю, что означает "начать с нуля". С 1988 года, с 1918-го, а, может, вернуться еще более назад? - Вы сказали о связи прочности тыла и армии. Какова сегодняшняя ситуация в ВС РА? - На этот вопрос можно отвечать очень долго. Если коротко, то моя оценка такова: мы выполняем план намеченных на 2004 год мероприятий. В частности, по поддержанию боеготовности вооруженных сил. Периодически проводятся учения, которые являются более или менее объективным критерием состояния боеготовности войск. Недавно впервые мы провели командно-штабные учения. Задача состояла в том, чтобы изучить, как в условиях постоянных преобразований в народном хозяйстве наши соответствующие структуры смогли приспособиться к этим новым условиям тыла, к проблемам решения вопросов материального обеспечения, пополнения и боеготовности. Учения показали, что, несмотря на наличие проблем, ситуацию можно считать удовлетворительной. - В Азербайджане утверждают, что в вашем ведомстве готовятся осуществить пересмотр военной доктрины и, согласно предполагаемым изменениям, в случае возобновления военных действий армия НКР перейдет в непосредственное подчинение ВС РА. Вообще, как обстоит ситуация в плане военной доктрины? Есть ли она? - У нас есть военная доктрина. Но она не сама по себе, а является частью всей системы безопасности. Наверное, есть необходимость в одном обобщающем документе, составной частью которого будет наша военная доктрина. Однако, как правило, вопросы такого тактического плана в военных доктринах не затрагиваются. Но однозначно, что Армения и наша армия в частности, являются гарантом безопасности народа Нагорного Карабаха, в этом ни у кого не должно быть никаких иллюзий. Так было, есть и будет. Меняется доктрина - не меняется, есть доктрина - нет доктрины... Армения - гарант безопасности народа Нагорного Карабаха. - Удовлетворены ли вы тем бюджетом, которым располагают наши ВС? Часто говорится о том, что военный бюджет Азербайджана намного превышает наш. - Действительно, наш военный бюджет почти вдвое меньше военного бюджета Азербайджана. Но считаю, что выделяемые сегодня средства достаточны для поддержания армии в боевой готовности, а динамика изменения военного бюджета приемлема. Не хочу вдаваться в детали, но не будем забывать, что армия Азербайджана больше нашей, отсюда и больше траты. К тому же президент и премьер-министр нашей республики зачастую находят возможности решения стоящих перед ВС тех или иных проблем, которые должны были быть решены из бюджета военного. - Взаимоотношения наших ВС с ДКБ более или менее очевидны. А как обстоят дела в плане сотрудничества с НАТО? Будет ли Армения участвовать в учениях НАТО в Баку осенью этого года? - Окончательно пока говорить рано, но на последнем этапе планирования учений, который состоялся в Киеве, мы подтвердили, что в качестве полноценного члена программы "Партнерство во имя мира" имеем право и обязаны принимать участие в учениях. Как в дальнейшем проявит себя Азербайджан - посмотрим. Что касается наших отношений с НАТО, то они поступательно развиваются. Мы продолжаем интегрироваться в те или иные программы НАТО, и я считаю, что это только полезно для наших ВС. Продолжая оставаться членами ДКБ, мы будем развивать наши двусторонние связи с НАТО и странами, входящими в блок. Нормально развивается также наше военное сотрудничество с США. Думаю, мы не имеем права замыкаться и только выигрываем от этого сотрудничества. - Если поставить вопрос немного примитивно, не считает ли вы, что в плане сотрудничества с НАТО мы отстаем от Грузии и Азербайджана? - Если иметь в виду только заявления Грузии и Азербайджана об их стремлении стать членом блока, то да, в этом плане они впереди. В повестке нашей внешней политики нет вопроса присоединения к НАТО и потому мы, естественно, не делаем таких заявлений, здесь все ясно. В плане же уровня сотрудничества, думаю, мы ни в чем не уступаем. - Как вы считаете, могут ли последние события в Армении негативно повлиять на отношение к нашей стране международных организаций, западных стран? - Не думаю, потому что все было в рамках закона. Каждый день по телевизору вы являетесь свидетелем тех мероприятий, который осуществляют по поддержанию общественного порядка и европейские правоохранительные органы, и соответствующие структуры США. Думаю, наоборот, нас никто бы не понял, если бы 2 тысячи человек парализовали жизнь всего Еревана. Беседу вел Рубен МАРГАРЯН
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Guys, First of all peaceful demonstrators should not call for and try to trash parliament and president's residence. Second why should a 10-15 thousands demonstrators gain power from millions? What if tomorrow coalition and president take their supporters to streets against opposition people? Should Armenia fell into turmoil because of ambitions of ex-prime ministers, ex-defense minister, ex-mayors, and others driven by revenge? What good have these people done when they were at power that now they demand power again? Any of you guys who live in the most democratic country in the world, the U.S. can try going to a protest and throw soda bottles, stones at police. See what is going to happen you. You will most likely end up with your head smashed into asphalt and your hands handcuffed so hard that no blood flows to your fingers. And a few years in jail afterwards.
