new promising era New Promising Era "President" & VP Nikol Pashinian

[Yervant1]

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Armenpress.am

 

Attempts to involve the Republic of Armenia in escalating rhetoric are unacceptable - Foreign Ministry

Read the article in: العربيةEspañolFrançaisՀայերենРусский简体中文

 

 YEREVAN, JULY 25, ARMENPRESS. Attempts to involve the Republic of Armenia in escalating rhetoric are unacceptable. The Armenian government remains committed to the peace agenda and will not deviate from this strategy, said Ani Badalyan, spokesperson of the Armenian Foreign Ministry, commenting on the statement from the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan.

"The regular statements issued by the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan about provocative actions by the Army of the Republic of Armenia on the Armenia-Azerbaijan state border are unacceptable.

Proposals made through the diplomatic channels of the Prime Minister's Office of the Republic of Armenia, as well as publicly, to investigate border incidents and/or information about them and to create a joint mechanism between Armenia and Azerbaijan, have continued to receive no response from Azerbaijan. Launching such a mechanism would clarify situations and prevent the spread of false information.

At the same time, attempts to involve the Republic of Armenia in escalating rhetoric are unacceptable. The Armenian government remains committed to the peace agenda and will not deviate from this strategy.

Regarding the reforms of the armed forces of the Republic of Armenia and the acquisition of weapons and equipment, we have repeatedly stated that maintaining a combat-ready army is the sovereign right of any country. The Republic of Armenia has no goals in the field of defense and security beyond the protection of its internationally recognized territory. In the process of army reforms, the Republic of Armenia operates exclusively within the framework of international law.

Also, we remind you that the Republic of Armenia, through diplomatic channels and publicly has offered Azerbaijan to create a mutual arms control mechanism and sign a corresponding agreement, which Azerbaijan has also left unanswered. Despite this, the proposal remains in force,"  reads the comment by the spokesperson.

 

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1196427?fbclid=IwY2xjawEQEZFleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHYqJ8dtpn54_DDp11FqiMFTMeboGQFAWXy711xwirl5xhBVj8sek6cTFJA_aem_zftuIPl4avK5LfNj0zqVCg

[Yervant1]

Asbarez.com

 

Kremlin Tells Yerevan to Not ‘Repeat Ukraine Scenario’

by Asbarez Staff

 

 July 25, 2024

 

in Armenia, Artsakh, Featured Story, Latest, News, Top Stories

 

Russian presidential spokesperson Demitry Peskov

 

The Kremlin reacted to this week’s allocation of 10 million euros in military assistance to Armenia by the European Union by expressing hope that Yerevan will not ‘repeat the Ukraine scenario.’

Saying that Russia considers Armenia a “brotherly country,” the Kremlin spokesperson, Dmitry Peskov, said that Yerevan does not follow the path chosen by the Kyiv regime, in its aspirations to deepen ties with the EU and the West.

“Armenia is a sovereign country that chooses its own priority areas of interaction. At the same time, for Russia, Armenia remains our ally, a brotherly country,” Peskov emphasized.

“We respect such searches, but only we would not want these searches to be carried out in the manner that the Kiev regime once chose,” Peskov added.

In addition to the EU’s pledge for military assistance, the bloc also announced that it will begin visa liberalization talks with Yerevan. At the same time, the United States announced that it was embedding a U.S. Army representative inside Armenia’s defense ministry, saying that Washington was interested in supporting Armenia’s security sector.

These recent overtures by Yerevan to the West have compounded and deepened the rift between Armenia and Russia, including Yerevan’s decision to freeze its participation in the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization.

Last week, Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister Mikhail Overchuk warned Yerevan that its actions to distance itself from the CSTO might have reciprocal consequences to Armenia’s membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, which is currently being chaired by Armenia.

Russia announced last week that it was significantly limiting its export of Armenian produce, citing safety concerns. Russia is the largest importer of Armenia’s agriculture output.

 

 

https://asbarez.com/kremlin-tells-yerevan-to-not-repeat-ukraine-scenario/?fbclid=IwY2xjawEQGzRleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHUOCGcRtAVW4NtOb23Zbv81E5mCBL8UZDltiMkTzYUglec9BzsQMYSmXDg_aem_sUighmcZbxQdYAvZfOdsUg

[Yervant1]

Armenpress.am

 

Fitch Ratings projects no Armenia-Azerbaijan escalation despite challenges

Read the article in: ՀայերենРусский

 

YEREVAN, JULY 27, ARMENPRESS. Fitch Ratings has projected no escalation between Armenia and Azerbaijan despite what it described as “challenging” peace talks owing to Baku’s demands.

“Armenia is negotiating a peace agreement with Azerbaijan following its complete loss of territorial control over Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023,” Fitch Ratings said in its latest Armenia report.“In Fitch's view, a comprehensive peace agreement will be challenging, owing to Azerbaijan's demands for Armenia to establish a transit corridor through its territory and changes to its constitution, which will be politically difficult to agree to. Our base case does not include an escalation of the conflict, even though Azerbaijani troops continue to have a presence inside Armenian territory, and there have been sporadic exchanges of fire.”

The report also covers Armenia-Russia ties. “Relations with Russia appear to have worsened, with Armenia suspending participation in and budgetary contributions to the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organisation, while engaging in military exercises with the US. However, trade links with Russia remain strong, and dependence on Russia for energy security is very high. Fitch does not expect secondary US, UK or EU sanctions on Armenia, and expects Armenia's financial sector to comply with sanctions targeting Russia,” Fitch Ratings said.

 

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1196526?fbclid=IwY2xjawESRsVleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHXVtUM6glF-1m374kajNzWp4HD4b8tSmprH-7Y7whmuX6y-u4sgn8cyE3Q_aem_DZiO_MJDchymR8vq1YInXw

[Yervant1]

BARRON'S

July 29 2024

 

 

• FROM AFP NEWS

Turkey And Armenia To Hold Peace Talks On Border

 

Turkish and Armenian diplomats will meet Tuesday on their long-closed border in a bid to normalise relations between the two countries, Turkey's foreign ministry told AFP.

Officials will convene "on both sides of the border", which has been shut for more than three decades, for the highly-symbolic talks.

Diplomatic relations between the two neighbours -- who share a painful history -- were severed over the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 1993.

But four sets of peace talks have been held since envoys were appointed in December 2021 to try to find a way through the impasse.

 

The fifth meeting will see the envoys discuss "confidence-building measures that could be developed between the two countries", said Turkish foreign ministry spokesman Oncu Keceli.

Armenia's Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan on Friday visited the Margara (Alican in Turkish) border crossing, which Yerevan recently renovated in the hope of a breakthrough.

Yerevan has often blamed Ankara for what it deems as insufficient efforts to reopen the frontier, whereas Turkey has said it was waiting for a peace treaty between its ally Azerbaijan and Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Caucasus rivals Azerbaijan and Armenia fought two wars -- in the 1990s and in 2023 -- over control of the Karabakh, which had been predominantly populated by ethnic Armenians.

Baku recaptured the mountainous enclave in a lightning offensive last September that led to the exodus of its entire Armenian population -- more than 100,000 people.

 

Turkey's President Recep Tayyib Erdogan was quick to celebrate Azerbaijan's victory, which he claimed brought "new normalisation prospects" for the region.

Turkish-Armenian relations are haunted by the massacres of Armenians committed during the First World War by the Ottoman Empire before it became modern Turkey -- regarded by Yerevan and many nations as a genocide, a term that Ankara rejects.

The US's top diplomat, Secretary of State Antony Blinken, said earlier this month that Armenia and Azerbaijan were on the brink of a "dignified" peace deal when he brought their foreign ministers together for talks in Washington.

The Turkish-Armenian border could be reopened to third-country nationals first before opening to all, according to Turkish media.

bur-bg/rba/ju/fg

https://www.barrons.com/news/turkey-and-armenia-to-hold-peace-talks-on-border-ef52afbf

 

[Yervant1]

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ABC News

July 30 2024

 

 

Turkish and Armenian special envoys resume talks aimed at reconciliation and reopening the border

Special envoys from Turkey and Armenia have convened at the countries’ shared border to resume discussions aimed at normalizing ties between the historic foes

 

By The Associated Press

 

ANKARA, Turkey -- Special envoys from Turkey and Armenia convened at the countries’ shared border on Tuesday to resume discussions aimed at normalizing ties between the historic foes.

Turkey and Armenia have no formal relations, and their border has been closed since the 1990s. They agreed in late 2021 to improve relations and appointed special envoys to discuss ways toward reconciliation and the opening of the border.

Turkish Ambassador Serdar Kilic and his counterpart, Armenian parliament deputy speaker Ruben Rubinyan, met at the Alican-Margara border crossing, Turkey’s Foreign Ministry said. It marked their fifth meeting since the launch of reconciliation efforts.

The Turkish ministry statement said the envoys agreed to streamline visa procedures for holders of diplomatic or official passports and to evaluate the technical requirements for operating a railway border gate.

They also “reemphasized their agreement to continue the normalization process without any preconditions,” the ministry added.

Turkey shut its border with Armenia in 1993, in a show of solidarity with close ally Azerbaijan, which was locked in a conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

In 2020, Turkey strongly backed Azerbaijan in its six-week conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh, which ended with a Russia-brokered peace deal that saw Azerbaijan gain control of a significant part of the region. Azerbaijan used Turkish military equipment, including combat drones, in the conflict.

Turkey and Armenia also have a long and bitter relationship over the deaths of an estimated 1.5 million Armenians in massacres, deportations and forced marches that began in 1915 in Ottoman Turkey.

Historians widely view the event as genocide. Turkey vehemently rejects the label, conceding that many died in that era but insisting that the death toll is inflated and the deaths resulted from civil unrest.

HaberTurk television said the two envoys on Tuesday exchanged handshakes at the border before visiting the Turkish and Armenian sides of the frontier.

Kilic and Rubinyan met in Moscow in January 2022, followed by three meetings in Vienna that same year.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan held their first face-to-face meeting in 2022 on the sidelines of a European Political Community meeting in Prague.

Last year, Pashinyan traveled to Ankara to attend Erdogan’s inauguration following an election victory.

This is Ankara and Yerevan’s second attempt at reconciliation. Turkey and Armenia reached an agreement in 2009 to establish formal relations and open their border, but the agreement was never ratified.

The border gate was briefly opened in 2023 to allow in aid after a devastating earthquake hit parts of southern Turkey and northern Syria.

https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/turkish-armenian-special-envoys-resume-talks-aimed-reconciliation-112397838

[Yervant1]

Armenpress.am

 

Pashinyan meets with Iran’s Khamenei in Tehran

Read the article in: العربيةEspañolفارسیFrançaisՀայերենРусскийTürkçe简体中文

 

YEREVAN, JULY 30, ARMENPRESS. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has met with Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in Tehran.

Ali Khamenei thanked the Armenian Prime Minister for visiting Iran to attend the inauguration of President Pezeshkian, the Prime Minister’s Office said in a readout.

Pashinyan and Khamenei expressed conviction that Armenia and Iran will continue steps aimed at the development of the warm and friendly relations for the benefit of the progress of the two nations.

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1196706?fbclid=IwY2xjawEWW-VleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHUXMjpok3o5OlN4zD_hxgEhjY8uYwjK5WzjyqgK1CuXvq9Cp3pwg3RHN1A_aem_rhcNHIj_8zk7bWl4Tpq9wA

[Yervant1]

Armenpress.am

 

Russia transfers border protection responsibilities at Zvartnots to Armenia

Read the article in: العربيةFrançaisՀայերենРусский

 

 YEREVAN, JULY 31, ARMENPRESS. After decades of joint operation, representatives of the FSB Border Service of Russia have transferred the responsibility for state border protection at the Zvartnots checkpoint to the Armenian side.

This decision was based on a request made by the Armenian authorities on March 1, 2024, to assume full control of border operations at the Zvartnots air crossing, which had been managed jointly with Russia since 1992.

The protocol was signed by the Commander of the Border Guard Troops of Armenia, Edgar Hunanyan, and the head of the Russian Border Guard Department in Armenia, Roman Golubitsky.

 

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1196821?fbclid=IwY2xjawEXiddleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHfn4h_m0MIUJEbvO-quDgrGBnP5zGBeepE82JK7dLjLr2QqMLknm92YMrQ_aem_KWD9F_lH_4XRPdklLpFEPw

[MosJan]

 

[Yervant1]

rfi, France

Aug 3 2024

 

 

Armenia looks to reopen border with Turkey as potential gateway to the West

 

Joint military exercises between US and Armenian forces are the latest steps in Yerevan's efforts to shift away from Moscow. The potential reopening of the Armenian border with Turkey could also prove crucial – though it may ultimately depend on Armenia's rival, Azerbaijan.

 

July saw major military drills in Armenia between Armenian and United States forces.

"Politically, it is exceptionally relevant; they are four or five times larger than last year," explains Eric Hacopian, a political analyst in Armenia, who notes the range of US divisions mobilised for the drills. "It's not about peacekeeping."

The military exercise, dubbed "Eagle Partner", is part of Yerevan's wider efforts to escape its Russian neighbour's sphere of influence, Hacopian believes.

"These are serious exercises, and they were followed up with the news that there is going to be US permanent representation in the Ministry of Defence of Armenia as advisors to join the French who are already there," he noted.

 

 

"Essentially, there is no other play but to join the West."

Armenia is also seeking to reduce its economic dependence on Russia, pressing Turkey to open its border and providing a new gateway to Western markets for the landlocked country.

Ankara closed the frontier in 1993 after ethnic Armenian forces seized the contested Azerbaijani enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh. However, with Azerbaijani forces recapturing the enclave last year, analysts say the opening of the border could now align with Turkey's goals to expand its regional influence.

"The normalisation of the relationship with Armenia would allow Turkish policy in the Cacasus to acquire a more comprehensive dimension today. That's the missing element," said Sinan Ulgen, an analyst with the Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies, a think tank in Istanbul.

"Turkey obviously has very strong links to Azerbaijan and very good relations with Georgia, but not with Armenia," he explained. "And that's a predicament, as we look at Turkey's overall policy in the Caucasus."

Leverage

Washington is working hard to broker a permanent peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. "A deal is close," declared US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on the sidelines of July's NATO summit in Washington.

Last week, Turkish and Armenian envoys held their fifth meeting aimed at normalising relations. However, with critical issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan unresolved, Baku sees Turkey's reopening of the Armenian border as important leverage.

In principle, both Azerbaijan and Turkey are in favour, claims Farid Shafiyev, an Azeri former diplomat and now chair of the Centre of Analysis of International Relations in Baku.

"However, we believe at this stage, as we have not signed a peace agreement, it might send a wrong signal to Yerevan and Armenia that we don't need to come to an agreement about the core issues – the mutual recognition of territorial integrity," he said.

Can Turkey tip the balance of power in the Caucasus conflict?

Meanwhile Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has developed close ties with his Azerbaijani counterpart, Ilham Aliyev, and is ruling out opening the border until Baku's demands are met.

Turkish arms were key to Azerbaijan's recent military successes against Armenian-backed forces. "Azerbaijan is where it is, in good part because of Turkey's military assistance, intelligence assistance and all that," argues Soli Ozel, who teaches international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University.

But Ozel says Baku is dictating Ankara's Caucasus policy. "It is befuddling to me that Turkey cannot open the borders with Armenia, which Armenia both needs and wants, because of Azerbaijan's veto," he said. "Especially if indeed Azerbaijan, for one reason or another, believes that its interests are once more in turning toward Russia."

With Azerbaijan's Socar energy company Turkey's biggest foreign investor, Baku retains powerful economic leverage over Ankara – meaning any hope of reopening the Turkish-Armenian border appears dependent on the wishes of Azerbaijan's leadership.

By:Dorian Jones

 

https://www.rfi.fr/en/podcasts/international-report/20240803-armenia-looks-to-reopen-border-with-turkey-as-potential-gateway-to-the-west

 

[Yervant1]

EurasiaDaily

Aug 4 2024

 

 

"The West helps us": Pashinyan is following the path of dismemberment of Armenia — opinion

 

Exactly 5 years ago on August 5, 2019 (Prime Minister of Armenia Nikol) Pashinyan said in Stepanakert remember the famous phrase of the field commander Leonid Azgaldyan: "Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh) — this is Armenia, period!". On May 21, 2020, at the head of a high-ranking Armenian delegation, Pashinyan participated in the Shushi at the inauguration of the President of the Republic of Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan. By the way, then the inauguration of the president of the second Armenian Republic was held in Shushi for the first time. Only six months have passed, and Pashinyan called Shushi a "gray, gloomy and unhappy" city. From the highest rostrum of the country, the capitulator asked himself the question: "Did we need Shushi?", they say, who needs a "gray, gloomy and unhappy city"?

As journalist Marina Mkrtchyan writes on the pages of the Voice of Armenia, Pashinyan also announced that before the first war, 90% of the population of Shushi were Azerbaijanis. In fact, Armenians have always prevailed in Shushi, and 90% of the Azerbaijani population was recorded only during 2 periods: both were marked by Armenian pogroms in 1920 and in 1988. Pashinyan has moved much further than the initiators of these pogroms…

Due to the fault of the "supreme Commander-in-chief", there have been no Armenians in Artsakh for a year. According to sociological data, Aliyev has not been able to settle even 20 thousand Azerbaijanis in Artsakh since 2020, Azerbaijanis are clearly in no hurry to settle Artsakh, including Shushi.

September 19 is the date of the beginning of the genocide and forced deportation of Armenians from the fragment of the Republic of Artsakh that survived after the 44—day war. September 19, 2023 Azerbaijan began bombing civilian targets and the peaceful population of Artsakh, which did not stop until September 20. These strikes forced the leadership of Artsakh to make concessions, fulfilling the conditions of Baku. Armenians are grateful to Joe Biden for recognizing the Armenian Genocide in Ottoman Turkey and calling the events in Western Armenia in 1915 genocide, and what will the US president be called, who will give a similar truthful assessment of the events of September 2023? While Washington and Brussels stubbornly turns a blind eye to this genocide…

The attitude of world players to the events in Artsakh in the foreseeable future will be conditioned by the return to power in Armenia of forces with a national agenda that will not dance to the tune of genocidal states! This is an objective and natural development of events, which can no longer be prevented!

5 years ago Pashinyan shouted that Artsakh is Armenia, and today the "Zangezur Corridor" is already at stake. In addition to it, the creation of a new Constitution commissioned by Aliyev and Erdogan, the surrender of the "enclaves" and land routes to them, as well as the joint Armenian-Azerbaijani denunciation of the Minsk Group. Behind the surrender of 4 villages in Tavush under the sign of delimitation. Under this guise, Pashinyan, let me remind you, hid the liquidation of the most powerful defensive area in the Tavush, clearing the way for the Azerbaijanis for a new aggression. The people will not forgive him for this, just as they will not forgive the occupation of 200 square kilometers of the territory of sovereign Armenia by Azerbaijanis!..

Events are developing at an accelerated pace. Announced last week in Washington and London's statements left not even a shadow of doubt that Pashinyan is following the path of dismemberment of Armenia.

"They said that they sacrificed Artsakh in order to remove the topic of the "corridor" from the agenda. As a result, it will turn out that we will get a scheme that is much worse than the one envisaged by the 3rd-party statement of November 9, 2020, because that scheme did not threaten our independence. It turned out that by sacrificing Artsakh, Pashinyan further actualized the topic of the "corridor"," stated the leader of the Democratic Alternative party, Suren Surenyants.

Aliyev's recent statements about the return of Azerbaijanis to Shushi and the joint demand with the Republic of Armenia for the liquidation of the Minsk Group (the Armenian side does not agree to this yet) contain a hint in the subtext of the repetition of the genocide on the territory of Armenia. These statements are the most eloquent evidence of the lack of deterrence mechanisms on the part of the West! However, the West does not at all seek to apply these mechanisms to Aliyev, and Aliyev understands this…

Washington and Brussels has already safely forgotten about the genocide and the forced deportation of 120 thousand Armenians of Artsakh, forgot that Aliyev is a war criminal. The Western coalition is actively cooperating with him against Russian interests. And what is there to be surprised about when the EU member state Cyprus has been under Turkish occupation for 50 years…

Aliyev "digested" the Armenian Genocide on September 19-20, 2023 in Artsakh, and therefore openly dictates the conditions of sovereign Armenia! Pashinyan's Western curators pretend they don't hear anything, and the ruling elite continues to lie to the people, saying the West is helping us…

https://eadaily.com/en/news/2024/08/04/the-west-helps-us-pashinyan-is-following-the-path-of-dismemberment-of-armenia-opinion

 

[Yervant1]

Azatutyun.am

 

Armenia To Skip Another CSTO Military Exercise

Օգոստոս 05, 2024

 

CSTO exercises in Kyrgyzstan, October 11, 2023.

 

Armenia will not send its representatives to another military exercise conducted by the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Russia-led bloc of six former Soviet nations from which Yerevan has sought to distance itself lately.

Units of special forces from CSTO-member states, also including Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, will gather in Russia’s Siberian city of Novosibirsk on August 14 for three-day drills codenamed Cobalt-2024.

Organizers did not mention Armenia among the participants of the planned exercise at the Rosgvardiya training center with the stated purpose of improving cooperation among special forces units of the participating nations.

Armenia has been boycotting all CSTO events for the past two years or so after accusing the Russian-led military alliance of failing to defend its territorial integrity in border clashes with Azerbaijan in September 2022.

Yerevan rejected the CSTO proposal to deploy its observers along the border until the bloc explicitly recognized the fact of the Azerbaijani invasion and occupation of hundreds of square kilometers of sovereign Armenian territory.

Earlier this year Armenian Prime Minister Pashinian said that Yerevan had “frozen” its membership in the CSTO and could quit it altogether unless it changed its position on the Armenian-Azerbaijani dispute. He also said that two members of the alliance had helped Azerbaijan prepare for the 2020 war in Nagorno-Karabakh, without naming them. Pashinian is believed to have referred to Russia and Belarus.

In separate moves indicative of the existing rifts between Armenia and its formal allies, Armenia in June downgraded its diplomatic relations with Belarus and earlier demanded that Russian border guards leave Yerevan’s Zvartnots international airport.

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Pashinian agreed on the withdrawal when the two leaders met in Moscow in May. On July 31, Russian border guards left the Yerevan airport after 32 years of deployment there following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Armenia’s National Security Service (NSS) told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service on Monday that the Russian officers who left the airport continued their service at Armenia’s borders with Turkey and Iran. The NSS refused to name the number of such officers, citing the classified nature of this information.

Russia also has a military base in the South Caucasus country. In March, a senior Russian lawmaker said he “would not recommend that the Armenian authorities even think about” demanding an end to the Russian military presence. Pashinian has signaled no such plans so far.

(With reporting by Shoghik Galstian)

 

 

https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33066183.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawEeqgpleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHRIRF8FwCCc0_0thMR2kHViKHwv4mK2RQRPUjM4pEu8s6ey7p7ipCwVB8g_aem_0-eRLZ91BSEaTdpVSo0bkA

[Yervant1]

Jamestown Foundation

Aug 5 2024

 

 

Armenia Reaches ‘Point of No Return’ in Withdrawal From CSTO

Publication: Eurasia Daily Monitor Volume: 21 Issue: 118

By: Vali Kaleji

August 5, 2024 05:20 PM Age: 20 hours

 

Executive Summary:

• On July 12, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan confirmed that Armenia plans to withdraw from the Russian-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization. This confirmation follows agreements for Russian border guards to leave Armenia, further moving Yerevan away from Russian influence.
• For now, Yerevan has only frozen participation in the CSTO, with the intention to officially leave the body in the near future. When Armenia does, the organization will lose its influence over the South Caucasus, and Russia will no longer have as strong of a foothold in the region.
• Armenia’s strategic shift away from Russia signifies a transformation in its geopolitical stance, seeking greater autonomy, alignment, and cooperation with Western and regional powers.

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On July 31, Russian border guards completed their withdrawal from Yerevan’s Zvartnots International Airport, where they had been stationed since Armenia gained independence in 1991 (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, July 31). Secretary of the Armenian Security Council Armen Grigoryan announced the withdrawal in March, stating that Yerevan had informed Moscow that the border guards should leave the airport (Civilnet.am, March 6; OC Media, March 7). Earlier, Yerevan and Moscow had agreed on the withdrawal of Russian forces and border guards from various parts of Armenia (see EDM, April 22; OC Media, May 9). The Russian border guards stationed between Azerbaijan and Armenia are currently in the process of withdrawing from the Tavush border area but “will continue to carry out service on Armenia’s borders with Türkiye and Iran” (Public Radio of Armenia, May 14). The withdrawal is the most recent example of Armenia distancing itself from Russia, especially after Azerbaijan’s retaking of Karabakh last year. Yerevan had appealed to Moscow for help, including a CSTO contingent similar to what was sent to Kazakhstan in January 2022, but never received any assistance (see EDM, January 19, 2022).

The troop withdrawals come as Yerevan has been reconsidering its regional posturing. In March, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced that Armenia will withdraw from the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), a Russian-dominated security alliance comprised of several post-Soviet states (see EDM, March 5). In parliament, Pashinyan stated, “We will leave [the CSTO], are you scaring me with this? Everything is fine. … We will decide when we leave” (Anadolu Agency, June 12). These developments are a continuation of the growing discontent and distance between Armenia and Russia since Pashinyan came to power in May 2018 (see EDM, February 9, 2023). Armenia’s strategic shift away from Russia toward Western and regional alliances, such as the European Union, marks a significant realignment that could reshape power dynamics in the South Caucasus and challenge long-standing economic and security dependencies.

In many ways, Armenia, under Pashinyan’s leadership, has reached a “point of no return” regarding the CSTO. In the past, Speaker of the Armenian Parliament Alen Simonyan has branded the alliance a “gun that does not shoot” (Institute for War and Peace Reporting, September 26, 2022; The National News, October 13, 2022). Armenia is now following the path Azerbaijan and Georgia were on two decades ago when they left the CSTO in 1999. If Yerevan follows through with this decision, the number of members will be reduced to five—Russia, Belarus, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan. The decision to freeze Armenian participation will leed to the closure and withdrawal of Russian forces from the two military bases in Yerevan and Gyumri (see EDM, May 2). When Armenia officially leaves, the CSTO will lose control over the South Caucasus, and Russia will not have any other military bases in the region outside of the occupied territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Yerevan’s next step after leaving the CSTO remains unclear. Armenia is the only South Caucasus country that is a member of the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). If Armenia wants to separate completely from Russia, it will have numerous obstacles concerning economic independence. Important sectors of the Armenian economy, such as electricity, gas, telecommunications, and railway transport, were handed over to Russia in 2003 in payment for Yerevan’s accumulated $100 million debt to Moscow (Eurasianet, May 7, 2003). In the years since, Armenia grew increasingly dependent on Russia for its economic needs, which gave Moscow increased political influence. For example, in September 2013, due to Russian pressure, including threats to cancel security guarantees and an increase in gas prices, then-Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan decided to join the EAEU instead of signing an Association Agreement with the European Union. Grigoryan described the event as “joining under the Gun” (Putin’s Grand Strategy: The Eurasian Union and Its Discontents, 2014). Based on this precedent, Russia may try to force Armenia to remain in the CSTO with the gas pressure lever.

The Pashinyan government also seems to be trying to end Armenia’s geopolitical and economic isolation by normalizing relations with Azerbaijan and Türkiye (see EDM, May 6). From the point of view of the Pashinyan government, this normalization could allow Armenia to further reduce its economic dependence on Russia by creating routes for transit and energy transfer with Türkiye and Azerbaijan, as well as open up opportunities for joint economic projects with both countries. In these circumstances, gas imported from Azerbaijan and Iran could replace a portion of the gas exported from Russia to Armenia (Azatutyun, April 25).

Pashinyan still needs to overcome internal political challenges in officially leaving the CSTO. However, if successful, it is unclear which partners Yerevan would go to as alternatives to Russia. The current options arrange from France and the United States to Iran and India. France seems to be the most willing to play such a role, which has support in the United States. Recent defense and military agreements between Armenia and France could be a sign of Yerevan reorienting the country’s foreign policy to the West (see EDM, November 6, 2023, July 17).

Iran can be a reliable and stable alternative for Armenia. Although Tehran finds the weakening of Armenia’s relations with Russia and possible departure from the CSTO undesirable, as such acts may serve to weaken the unwritten alliance between Iran, Armenia, and Russia and increase the influence of the West and NATO in the South Caucasus. These changes will drastically alter the balance of power in the South Caucasus, to the detriment of Iran and Russia and to the benefit of Azerbaijan, Türkiye, and the West (see EDM, June 17).

In these circumstances, if Armenia withdraws from the CSTO, Iran will try to maintain close relations with its only Christian neighbor. Maintaining the 40 kilometer (25 miles) border with Armenia is a strategic priority for Iran, which clear opposition to the Zangezur corridor is a clear example in recent years (see EDM, September 23, 2022, October 11, 2023). During the last three decades, the Russian border guards were responsible for the security of this border.  If these forces are withdrawn from Armenia, Iran would prefer they not be replaced by another foreign force and that Armenian border guard were stationed this border.

India and Armenia have expanded military and defense cooperation in recent years. India, however, is unlikely to be a suitable alternative for Russia, as New Delhi maintains close relations with Moscow (Armenpress, May 20). India also participates in the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) with Iran, Azerbaijan, and Russia, and New Delhi hopes to take a relatively more balanced approach to the South Caucasus. Furthermore, the tripartite cooperation between Armenia, Iran, and India focuses efforts on “soft balancing” (economic transit) instead of “hard balancing” (military-security) against the tripartite ties of Azerbaijan, Türkiye, and Pakistan in the region (see EDM, August 16, 2021, July 25; The Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst, March 28).

Armenia’s strategic shift away from Russia signifies a transformation in its geopolitical stance, seeking greater autonomy, alignment, and cooperation with regional powers and the West. Yerevan’s decision to withdraw from the CSTO, if implemented, is a paradigm shift not only for the country but also for the wider South Caucasus. It could fundamentally change the arrangement of political forces and the balance of power in the region, potentially diminishing Russian influence while enhancing the roles of Azerbaijan, Türkiye, and the West.

 

https://jamestown.org/program/armenia-reaches-point-of-no-return-in-withdrawal-from-csto/

[Yervant1]

Atlantic Council

Aug 7 2024

 

 

How Armenia’s ‘Crossroads for Peace’ plan could transform the South Caucasus

By Sheila Paylan

Armenia’s “Crossroads for Peace” initiative, unveiled by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan at the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum in October 2023, is an ambitious regional transport proposal aimed at connecting Armenia with its neighboring countries—Turkey, Azerbaijan, Iran, and Georgia. The initiative seeks to revitalize and develop crucial infrastructure—roads, railways, pipelines, cables, and electricity lines—to facilitate the flow of goods, energy, and people across these nations, connecting the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean Sea and the Persian Gulf to the Black Sea through easier and more efficient transportation links.

The initiative also represents a significant part of Armenia’s peace agenda in the South Caucasus amid negotiations with Azerbaijan. Armenian leaders envision these renovated and newly built routes as conduits for cultivating economic, political, and cultural ties between the countries involved, thus advancing long-term peace and stability in the region. With the potential to economically benefit the region, promote peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus, and reduce Armenia’s dependence on Russia, the West should support the Crossroads for Peace plan with more robust diplomatic backing and infrastructure investment.

 

Decades of instability

 

The South Caucasus, straddling the juncture between Europe and Asia, has long been a region of strategic importance plagued by persistent instability and conflict. Most notable has been the Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which emerged in the early 1990s and led to the closure of the Armenia-Azerbaijan and Armenia-Turkey borders, severely restricting Armenia’s trade and hardening political divides.

The conflict experienced a significant turning point on September 27, 2020, when Azerbaijan launched a major offensive, triggering the worst escalation since 1994. After six weeks of intense fighting, a Russia-brokered ceasefire was signed on November 9, 2020, which stipulated concessions of Armenian-controlled territory within the internationally recognized borders of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan blockaded Karabakh for nearly ten months starting on December 12, 2022, leading to a humanitarian crisis. On September 19, 2023, Azerbaijan launched a military assault that seized full control of Karabakh and forced more than one hundred thousand ethnic Armenians to flee to Armenia. The United Nations estimates that only about fifty Armenians remain in the region.

The Karabakh conflict ended on January 1, 2024, with the Karabakh authorities announcing that their unrecognized government ceased to exist. Consequently, the initial rationale behind the closure of the Armenia-Azerbaijan and Armenia-Turkey borders no longer holds. Despite this, both Azerbaijan and Turkey, with the latter often aligning with the former’s policies, continue to refuse to reopen their borders with Armenia. This refusal persists even in the face of Armenia’s Crossroads for Peace initiative—a proposal that would be beneficial for regional development.

 

Corridors and crossroads

 

The Trans-Caspian Corridor, also known as the “Middle Corridor,” is an increasingly important channel for transportation and cross-border trade connecting the Central Asian states with Europe. It primarily involves the transport of goods and resources across the Caspian Sea, bridging Central Asian countries such as Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan to Azerbaijan via maritime routes. From Azerbaijan, the goods are then transported through Georgia and Turkey, reaching European markets. Though trade volumes and capacity are still relatively low, the corridor holds immense strategic opportunities, as it offers a viable alternative to the traditional, longer routes through Russia or the southern maritime paths via the Suez Canal, significantly reducing transit time and avoiding geostrategic hotspots.

The Eurasian Northern Corridor, offering both road and rail options, is currently the primary route for transcontinental transport but largely traverses Russian territory. Western sanctions, investment deterrents, and financial restrictions tied to Russia’s war on Ukraine complicate this corridor’s use, and potential instability in Russia might eventually further weaken this route’s reliability. More direct routes through Central Asian and South Caucasus nations could diminish the value of the Eurasian Northern Corridor, aligning with US and European Union efforts to reduce dependencies on Russia. The development of the Trans-Caspian Corridor offers such a strategic alternative, diversifying energy supplies to Europe and enhancing trade connectivity between Asia and Europe, while bypassing Russian influence.

Armenia’s Crossroads for Peace initiative, therefore, would create a vital complementary set of routes, enhancing the strategic depth and utility of the Trans-Caspian Corridor. By developing infrastructure such as the Yeraskh-Julfa-Meghri-Horadiz railway, Armenia would offer new logistic pathways linking the Caspian region directly to the Mediterranean and Black seas through Armenian territory. This would not only shorten transit times and distances between Asia and Europe but would also introduce reliable alternative routes.

Additionally, the integration of Armenia into the Trans-Caspian Corridor could stimulate economic growth in the region by attracting foreign investment focused on logistics and infrastructure development. Armenia could become a central node in Eurasian trade, enhancing the corridor’s capacity and security. This strategic expansion would diversify the transport routes available to major trading powers and fortify the economic independence of Armenia and its neighboring countries by reducing their reliance on Russia.

Moreover, the Crossroads for Peace initiative is premised on the principles of sovereignty and jurisdiction, ensuring that infrastructure within each country’s borders remains under its control. The idea is to promote mutual respect and cooperation among its neighboring nations, facilitating equal and reciprocal management of border and customs controls. This ensures that each country would be able to safeguard its interests while promoting shared economic growth.

 

Obstacles in the path

 

However, Crossroads for Peace faces significant geopolitical hurdles. Azerbaijan has so far refused to support Armenia’s initiative, with analysts stating that neither Baku nor Ankara had been consulted. While the Armenian government should intensify its outreach on Crossroads for Peace, Armenia’s neighbors should judge the initiative in good faith on commercial viability, rather than on geopolitical grounds.

If realized, Crossroads for Peace could significantly benefit both Azerbaijan and Turkey by boosting regional trade and opening new markets. For Azerbaijan, it could provide a more direct route to European markets, while Turkey could see enhanced trade corridors that bypass less stable regions. Additionally, the project could serve as a diplomatic bridge, easing longstanding tensions and transforming a historical conflict into a hub of international commerce. For Turkey in particular, supporting this initiative could strategically position it as a peace broker in the region, which could strengthen its diplomatic relationships not only with its immediate neighbors but also across Europe and into Asia. 

Baku has instead called for the development of the “Zangezur Corridor,” which would connect mainland Azerbaijan directly with its exclave of Nakhchivan through Armenia’s southernmost Syunik province. Azerbaijan’s conception of Zangezur includes not only a railway link, but also a highway between the two parts of Azerbaijan, and demands that it would have extraterritorial status, which would require Armenia to cede control over a strip of its own territory. Crucially, Zangezur envisions opening a single transit route with Azerbaijan, whereas Crossroads for Peace aims to open several border crossings with both Azerbaijan and Turkey.

Armenia has firmly stated that any discussions involving the loss of sovereignty and territorial integrity or third-party control over its territory are nonnegotiable red lines. Indeed, Baku has insisted that a detachment from Russia’s Federal Security Service guard Zangezur; having just kicked Russian border guards out of the country, it’s understandable why Armenia would balk at the installation of more Russian agents on its territory.

Azerbaijan’s Zangezur plan is also detrimental to Western interests in several ways. First, it would hinder the broader Western strategic objective of stabilizing and economically developing the South Caucasus—critical for energy routes and geopolitical balance among Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. By stalling broader regional integration initiatives, Azerbaijan’s position perpetuates dependence on existing routes that run through Georgia, which face logistical and capacity hurdles, and which could be susceptible to disruptions by external geopolitical influences.

This ongoing tension and the resultant lack of comprehensive peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus allows Russia and Iran to exert their influence there. Armenia’s isolation forces it to maintain its reliance on Russia, countering Western efforts to promote democratic governance and market liberalization in the area. This situation becomes increasingly dangerous as autocratic Azerbaijan deepens its ties with Russia. Simultaneously, Iran benefits by positioning itself as a crucial partner for Armenia in energy and trade, while also providing diplomatic support by rejecting the Zangezur plan to maintain clout in the South Caucasus.

By keeping the Armenia-Azerbaijan and Armenia-Turkey borders closed, Azerbaijan impedes Armenia’s economic and connectivity opportunities, limiting the scope for Western engagement and investment in the region. This keeps Armenia overly dependent on trade with Russia. Baku has long complained about Armenia’s close ties with Russia and should welcome Yerevan’s desire to open trade with Azerbaijan and Turkey, as well as its commitment to leave the Moscow-led Collective Security Treaty Organization.

The Crossroads for Peace initiative, therefore, offers a more promising path. By opening up the region and paving the way for a new era of mutual economic growth and cooperation in the South Caucasus, Crossroads for Peace could serve as a catalyst for regional stability and prosperity. This initiative not only counters the restrictive nature of the Zangezur plan but also aligns economic incentives with geopolitical opportunities.

 

How the West can help

 

Armenia’s Crossroads for Peace initiative deserves more robust support and engagement from Western nations. By backing Armenia’s efforts to integrate into the Trans-Caspian Corridor and promote cooperation across the South Caucasus, Western countries can help ensure that the region develops into a vibrant economic hub that is less dependent on Russia. Increased investment in infrastructure, clear diplomatic backing, and strategic partnerships, such as the recent upgrade in US-Armenia relations, can solidify the West’s commitment to promoting a more balanced geopolitical landscape in this region.

This should start with applying diplomatic pressure on Turkey and Azerbaijan to engage constructively with the initiative and entering security pacts with Armenia that help deter aggression and maintain open and secure trade routes. Subsequently, Western countries should implement targeted funding and financial incentives along with technical assistance for the construction and modernization of infrastructure in the region. Potential new trade agreements and the promotion of private sector involvement encouraging Western businesses to invest in and partner with local firms within the framework of Crossroads for Peace would also help make the initiative more viable.

Enhanced Western support for Armenia could also serve as a catalyst for broader regional cooperation and prosperity, setting a precedent for peaceful conflict resolution and cooperative development efforts. Western policymakers should therefore help integrate Crossroads for Peace into regional connectivity plans that promote open, stable, and cooperative international systems and can make Armenia a key player in the diversification of transit routes across Eurasia.

 

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Sheila Paylan is a human rights lawyer and senior legal consultant with the United Nations. The views expressed herein are her own and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations.

https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/how-armenias-crossroads-for-peace-plan-could-transform-the-south-caucasus/ 

[Yervant1]

RFERL.org

 

Baku Said To Have Withdrawn Troops From Section Of Demarcated Border With Armenia

August 07, 2024

• By Susan Badalian

 

A new house is built in Berkaber, a border village in Tavush Province, in April 2024. (file photo)

Azerbaijan has withdrawn its military from one section of the recently demarcated border with Armenia, according to the mayor of a local Armenian village who spoke to RFE/RL on August 7.

Tigran Harutiunian, the administrative leader of Berkaber, a village in Armenia’s northeastern Tavush Province, said the withdrawal of the Azerbaijani military from the vicinity of Qizilhacili -- one of four former Azerbaijani villages that Armenia ceded control of as part of the border demarcation earlier this year -- occurred about a month ago.

“They left quite a while ago. I believe it was in early July. They vacated their position, and now our border guards are stationed there,” Harutiunian said.

For over 30 years, the Azerbaijani side has controlled about 900 hectares of land belonging to Berkaber. It was decided that this area would not be demarcated during the process that took place in April and May.

The government released a map in April highlighting the sections where adjustments would be made, and the Azerbaijani military remained at one such section after the completion of the demarcation.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian (left) visits the newly delimited border with Azerbaijan in May.

It had been agreed that “within a short but reasonable period of time,” Armenia and Azerbaijan would withdraw their forces and allow the deployment of border guards.

Residents of Berkaber have reported hearing explosions near their village and assumed they were caused by Armenian sappers working in the area.

The Armenian Defense Ministry said earlier that controlled explosions would take place on August 7 near Berkaber and Kirants, another village where the border demarcation took place, and advised local residents not to panic. It said there would be a total of 10 explosions to the northeast of the villages but did not specify their purpose.

Harutiunian told RFE/RL that the area from which the Azerbaijani military had been withdrawn might be undergoing demining.

“They left one post, but that gap is quite extensive and is currently being cleared,” Harutiunian said.

Residents of Kirants, however, informed RFE/RL that the explosions near their village appeared to be part of some engineering work.

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian faced intense criticism earlier this year for agreeing to the first-ever border demarcation between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which involved a limited section. This demarcation resulted in Armenia ceding control of the four villages as well as certain territories of Armenian villages based on 1970s maps used in the process.

The move sparked large-scale protests in Yerevan, with opposition groups also arguing that Armenia would be more vulnerable in the Tavush region if another war with Azerbaijan occurred, given that Armenian armed forces had to withdraw from strategically important areas.

Pashinian has dismissed this criticism, contending that the alternative to the border demarcation would have been another war for which Azerbaijan would have had a legitimate pretext. He has also maintained that local Armenian communities are now better protected from a legal standpoint than they were before the demarcation.

 

 

https://www.rferl.org/a/armenia-azerbaijan-border-military-demarcation-berkaber/33069475.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawEhSXJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHcWdy3lRUega-_6rBG9rsQ8QVh9uXGc9CtgNtMTKgv7_sefD-Tvpli9yqQ_aem_I08k4pMeFBP-oXiyulR1ZQ

[Yervant1]

Armenpress.am

 

Swiss legislator hails EU aid as commitment to stand by Armenia

Read the article in: ՀայերենРусский

 

YEREVAN, AUGUST 8, ARMENPRESS. Member of the National Council of Switzerland’s Federal Assembly Stefan Müller-Altermatt has described the EU Council’s decision to provide assistance to Armenia under the EPF as a “commitment by the EU to stand by Armenia militarily.”

On July 22, the EU Council adopted an assistance measure under the European Peace Facility (EPF) in support of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Armenia worth €10 million. 

“I can hardly judge what these funds will actually achieve at an operational and technical level, and this remains to be seen,” Stefan Müller-Altermatt told Armenpress.  “But one thing is certain: this contribution is a commitment. A commitment by the EU to stand by Armenia militarily. I hope that this can also have a deterrent effect. And I also hope that this still relatively small amount will be backed up by decisions to release further funds, especially in the event of a crisis.”

He also commented on the EU decision to start visa liberalization dialogue with Armenia. The Swiss legislator said that visa liberalization will be a “symbol” for Armenia’s change of orientation away from Moscow towards Brussels.

“The freer the movement of people is, the closer relations between countries become. This is why visa liberalisation also has a high symbolic value for Yerevan. The visa liberalisation will be a kind of symbol for Yerevan's change of orientation away from Moscow towards Brussels. And conversely, it is confirmation that Brussels has understood this reorientation. Quite apart from this, it will of course also be of great benefit to the population if they can finally travel to Europe visa-free. All my Armenian friends suffer from the bureaucracy of visa requirements, “he said.

 

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1197234?fbclid=IwY2xjawEihYZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHZbRbqkuMwd5vEnx6ADRq_ls5wFIg07FX8TJs2uQqyBoHDSafV4Sy9zqQQ_aem_sZhaVnU4JhafvDLmK0DBoQ

[Yervant1]

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Armenpress.am

 

India is set to commence the delivery of its indigenously developed Akash 1S air defence missile system to Armenia, its first foreign buyer

Read the article in: العربيةEspañolفارسیFrançaisՀայերենქართულიРусский

 

YEREVAN, AUGUST 8, ARMENPRESS. India is set to commence the delivery of its indigenously developed Akash 1S air defence missile system to Armenia later this year, according to statement from Indian Defence Research Wing».

It is reported that, Armenia had placed an order for 15 Akash missile systems in 2022, amounting to approximately US$720 million and Armenia will be the first foreign buyer of these systems.

The systems being supplied are from the Indian company Bharat Dynamics Limited.

 The Akash-1S systems use a combination of simultaneous active search and targeting, providing reliable protection against air threats such as fighters, guided missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles.

 

 

 

Published by Armenpress, original at https://armenpress.am/en/article/1197329?fbclid=IwY2xjawEihqZleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHZ5Ul4BPcORH5d71HlFish1l5gsKS-zE1G7bz3yuZ9DmWwyAaw6SfLkajQ_aem_nzrIHxeACsKfN6a37ZaOwA

[Yervant1]

Azatutyun.am

 

Armenia Confirms Removal Of Transport Links Provision From Draft Peace Agreement With Azerbaijan

Օգոստոս 08, 2024

 

The building of the Armenian Foreign Ministry in Yerevan (file photo)

 

Armenia has confirmed that a provision concerning the unblocking of regional transport links has been removed from the draft peace agreement with Azerbaijan “by mutual consent.”

“We must emphasize that effective unblocking remains a crucial element for peace and economic development in the region, as envisioned by the Republic of Armenia and the agenda it promotes. This is best reflected in the Crossroads of Peace program presented by the Armenian government, which is based on the well-known principles of respect for sovereignty and jurisdiction, as well as reciprocity and equality,” Armenian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Ani Badalian told RFE/RL’s Armenian Service on August 7.

Earlier, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s representative for special assignments, Elchin Amirbayov, stated in an interview with RFE/RL that Baku and Yerevan had found a “mutually acceptable option” regarding the road connecting Azerbaijan to its Western exclave of Nakhichevan. Baku commonly refers to this route via the southern Armenian province of Syunik, historically also known as Zangezur, as the “Zangezur Corridor.”

“We realized that we may not be able to conclude a peace agreement in the foreseeable future if on top of the constitutional problem, we also will have another stumbling block, the topic of reopening of communication lines. So, on mutual agreement, we decided to take this paragraph out of the peace agreement and to refer it to a later stage,” Amirbayov said.

“And after the peace agreement is signed, both delegations or both countries may want to resume discussions in order to find a mutually acceptable formula of reopening of communication lines between the main part of Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan,” he added.

Official Yerevan has long objected to the term “corridor,” which implies an extraterritorial nature for the potential road. Armenia insists that both countries should retain jurisdiction over transport links passing through their territories. Additionally, Armenia has argued that the reopening of transport links should occur within the context of a broader regional unblocking, which would include railroad access for Armenia to Iran via Nakhichevan and an open border with Turkey.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been working on the text of a peace agreement for over two years. Western powers, including the United States and the European Union, have urged the two South Caucasus nations, which have fought several wars over the Nagorno-Karabakh region in the past three decades, to finalize the deal soon. Azerbaijan, however, insists that Armenia must remove references to the reunification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia from its Constitution before a peace deal can be signed.

 

 

https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33070066.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawEii9tleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHW3MP0lnaxHgnjE_NxKhS-4hrvozma4nW9DKuoGlAv5gZnVZ4I0FpB-goA_aem_QXY36mOD7v0tJaPeKOc_Wg

[MosJan]

 

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[MosJan]

Azerbaijani sources, citing Turkish reconnaissance footage of a USAF Boeing C-17 Globemaster at Yerevan’s Zvartnots Airport, have begun a misinformation campaign, alleging that the United States is deploying troops to Armenia. They assert that the Armenian Ministry of Defense and Zvartnots authorities have yet to provide substantial evidence to counter these claims. According to their fake materials, a new American aircraft purportedly arrived at Zvartnots on August 2, nine days after the conclusion of joint US-Armenian military exercises.

https://www.facebook.com/301arm/posts/pfbid0WDusgLwHysQUD1kSYXdQSjK8dYUNo19K8GoXR8nuMS2PgZxRTJKEeX2bneQ4Xkwvl

In reality, the most recent flight of such an aircraft occurred on July 26, as confirmed by online tracking tools and various open sources. Therefore, the final departure of the Boeing C-17 from Zvartnots coincided with the end of the Armenian-American exercises at the end of July.

By the request of News.am, the US embassy addressed the misinformation as well.

“The 'Eagle Partner' exercise, aimed at enhancing interoperability between the United States and Armenia, was successfully completed on July 24. We can confirm that all U.S. military equipment and personnel have left Armenia," stated a representative from the US embassy to News.am.

This response addresses misinformation disseminated by Azerbaijani media regarding 'military assistance' and 'deployment of soldiers' from the U.S. to Armenia.

[Yervant1]

Azatutyun.am

 

Armenian Foreign Ministry Confirms 2020 Memo With Russia Over Land Handover To Azerbaijan

Օգոստոս 14, 2024

• Shoghik Galstian

 

The building of the Armenian Foreign Ministry in Yerevan (file photo)

 

More than three years after the handover to Azerbaijan of contested border areas, including an interstate road section, the Armenian Foreign Ministry has confirmed that a relevant memorandum had been signed between the defense ministers of Armenia and Russia.

Armenian troops withdrew from certain areas along Armenia’s Syunik province in December 2020, more than a month after a Russian-brokered ceasefire put an end to a six-week war in Nagorno-Karabakh. The withdrawal sparked angry protests by Syunik residents concerned about the security of their communities.

Nearly one year later, Azerbaijan seized full control of a 21-kilometer section of the main highway that connected the provincial towns of Goris and Kapan. It was part of Armenia’s sole overland transport link with neighboring Iran. The Azerbaijani move made the highway section off limits to Armenian, Iranian and other vehicles, forcing the Armenian government to hastily build a 70-kilometer bypass road in Syunik.

The memorandum signed between Armenia and Russia on the controversial withdrawal has never been published.

While confirming its existence, the Foreign Ministry said on Tuesday that the document is not at its disposal.

An unofficial version of the document appeared on the Internet about two months after it was signed. At that time different government officials sought to deny that any such document was signed, with some even claiming that the one being circulated online was a fake.

“It is merely a text compiled by a computer on A4 paper, in which whatever is said is presented as 100 percent truth,” pro-government lawmaker Sisak Gabrielian said then.

Around the time Azerbaijan took control of the road section, the government allowed several opposition parliamentarians to see a copy of the document that mandated the Armenian troop withdrawal. According to one of those lawmakers, Gegham Manukian, the memorandum signed only by the then defense ministers of Armenia and Russia listed no legal grounds for the handover.

Manukian insisted late last month that he believes the handover was illegal because it was carried out “without any delimitation and demarcation” of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. This is why, he said, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s administration withheld any information about the memorandum for almost a year.

“I’m sure that Armenia’s future authorities, law-enforcement system will deal with that in the near future,” Manukian said.

In an interview with RFE/RL’s Armenian Service in July Ara Ayvazian, who was appointed foreign minister just days after the November 2020 truce, said that the document was kept secret from him and the Foreign Ministry as a whole during his six-month tenure.

The Armenian Defense Ministry stated in December 2020 that the disputed Goris-Kapan road section would be controlled by Russian troops. This seems to explain why Pashinian accused Baku of breaching trilateral understandings when traffic through it was first disrupted in August 2021.

Speaking in the Armenian parliament in October 2021, Pashinian admitted personally ordering the controversial troop withdrawal. He claimed that failure to do so would have led Azerbaijan to invade Syunik.

 

 

https://www.azatutyun.am/a/33078508.html?fbclid=IwY2xjawEqL_tleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHRXpt-RqvA8Xu-SkJgjEhR_LjvWG_mLdhz1xy3LwD8G7FPcOuk9vltdT4A_aem_9oT9EkXpIQJ8Kou_AXZ_1w

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