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Urgent-Revolution in Armenia .


Goga

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Another interesting material, I think - this time in English. There is an interesting comment regarding Karabagh.

_________________________________________________

 

Agony

18.02.2003,

 

The round of the pre-electoral preaching is over. Every candidate carried out his preaching more or less successfully, naturally, each typical to his style. Some of them preferred representing their own programs to devoting most of their time to anti-preaching of the others. Naturally, the candidates mainly visited all the regions.

 

During the last days of preaching, the candidates or electoral staffs publicly estimated their own chances as well. The main opposition candidates either declared that are going to win in the first round or pointed out that two opposition candidates will compete in the second round. Head of the present president's staff declared that Robert Kocharian would win just in the first round. Dynamics of the represented figures is rather worth attention. If at the beginning of the publicity campaign "the rented sociologists" used to speak of fantastic 75% percent of votes, now at his last press conference S. Sargsian stated only "50% percent and more", what means that even the authorities take into consideration with the registered progress of the opposition.

 

Rather interesting is the change of mood among our countrymen. The opposition candidates are evidently welcomed in the regions of Armenia, sometimes even with great delight and excitement. As for the present president, he wasn't welcomed at all, especially during the last days, and even mobilization of administration didn't change the situation.

 

The fact, that the authorities are rather nervous, is obvious from the last press conference of S. Sargsian. At this conference he used such vocabulary that hasn't been used by him so far. His ironical smile was eloquent as well and one could see it during the whole program. The masterpiece of the press conference was another unexpected step by Sargsian - the division of the society into "we" and "they". Logic of it was rather clear: for "we" he meant those from Artsakh, for "they" - the others and especially for the opposition, which was accused of having anti-Karabagh moods and intending "to hand" it. Even a map depicted on a slogan of one of the candidates was qualifies as "liberated territories handed over beforehand". Certainly, such accusation is beyond any understanding, as one could easily regard all the TV channels broadcasting weather as traitors, since they all widely use the same map. Nevertheless, people of Artsakh will hardly wish to identify themselves with these two, and the letter of 8000 people from Artsakh, read by Albert Bazeyan at the opposition referendum, proves it rather well.

 

By the way, it's not by chance that the ARP and particularly the prime minister have been rather modest during the whole preaching campaign; actually their participation in the publicity campaign of the present president had only symbolic nature. Perhaps, they prefer waiting, moreover, when there are no sign of unity among the authority elite. Particularly interesting is the fact that during the last few days, representatives of the authorities, including first of all those appointed by the president of RA, were substituted in the electoral committees.

 

S. Sargsian has appealed his team members "to calm down", "to behave themselves", "not to let any falsification"; when a high-ranking official talks about rigged elections, it means they are really expected. In fact, pre-electoral staffs and opposition mass media are overflowed with various and numerous alarms concerning electoral transgression.

 

It's also important that S. Sargsian declared that till the Election Day and right on the Election Day there'll be "no use of force". But he didn't tell that after elections, for example in case of defeat of the authorities or in case of the population's revolt against adulteration, there'll be no use of force either, so one shouldn't exclude that September 26 of 1996 can be repeated. By the way, there are rather hysterical declarations in the authority camp according to what if Robert Kocharian isn't elected, the country will be lost, or they ascribe unleashing a civil war to the opposition. Rather eloquent evidence of community mood is the opposition city referendum, which wasn't at all different from that of 1988, and it's worth mentioning that speeches of the speakers were warmly applauded even in the back rows. Such things haven't at all happened at any referendum in the square of Liberty.

 

No figures are to be represented here, but one can't ignore the fact that the second round is inevitable. Anyway, we just have to hope that everything will finish in a peaceful way, without any clashes and that people will actively participate in the coming elections just to have a chance of choice.

 

www.iravunk.com

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Your Welcome to post any* material or opinion* you may have as long as you don't get personal and follow the code of conduct, which some members haven't been doing recently

 

* See code of conduct

 

MOvses

 

[ February 21, 2003, 12:15 PM: Message edited by: MosJan ]

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Outside Eye: A non-Armenian's view of life in his adopted home

 

 

By John Hughes

 

Editor After boasting - as early as four months ago and as recently as Wednesday - that he would be re-elected without a runoff, Robert Kocharyan may be just days away from losing his presidency to a ghost.

Stepan Demirchyan got enough votes Wednesday to force a runoff, but it was his slain father, Karen, whose reputation earned them.

Armenia has unexpectedly become a boiler of potential political upheaval bubbling under one of winter's biggest snows.

Into that snow on Wednesday voters went to speak their minds and again on Thursday, some 10,000 or so, to shout their claims that their voting rights were abused.

Turns out that foreign observers agreed with the protesters' claims. And now not only is the President's career in jeopardy but his legacy polished by a reign over historic economic growth is threatened with the tarnish of his having staged a corrupt campaign and still losing.

In the few words he managed for Thursday's rally, Demirchyan promised that his first order of business if elected President would be to punish those who tried to steal the election from him.

His comrades in opposition used words such as "rape" and "political corpses" to emphasize their commitment to the cause. All the rhetoric needed was a "smoke him out" reference and it could have been a Bush vs. Bin Laden rally.

The politics of revenge may determine Armenia's next President, but even the most anti-Kocharyan voter must wonder what kind of house Demirchyan would set up once he'd cleaned the current one.

It would likely be a house into which veteran statesmen such as Vazgen Manoukyan, Artashes Geghamyan and Raffi Hovhanissian would be welcomed. And their association may, second to his name, be Demirchyan's strongest credential.

In Armenia's last Presidential election in 1998, it was Karen Demirchyan and Kocharyan in a hotly contested runoff. (Karen Demirchyan, who became Speaker of Parliament, was one of eight leaders assassinated in 1999.)

Nostalgia for a past that is no longer possible in independent Armenia has thrust Stepan Demirchyan into a role once held by his Communist leader father. And if the people who are trying to put him in power are merely voting for "the good old days", then disappointment can be the expected fruit of their campaign season.

No one must be more shocked than Robert Kocharyan these days, unless it is those who have ridden his reign to their own places of power and may now be two weeks away from abrupt career changes.

I don't know anybody who likes Robert Kocharyan. I do know, however, people who voted for him reluctantly because the alternatives were not strong enough to win their confidence. I doubt anything will happen before March 5to change those votes.

But it must concern Kocharyan supporters that, even with the privilege of power afforded him to abuse voting legislation (as a joint report by observers from OSCE, ODIHR and PACE has confirmed), he failed not only to receive a mandate but even to win in the manner he said he would.

Long before the well-meaning West sent its overseers here to judge Armenia's ability to behave democratically, measures - some through the subtle means of legislation and others as blatant as a bullet - were being taken to assure a Kocharyan victory.

You have to be here awhile to see the pieces fall into place. I hadn't been here long enough to see the cause and effect potential last April when the only oppositional television station, A1+, was denied a broadcast license.

While local colleagues were trying to convince me of Government conspiracy, I argued that the television company simply failed to produce a good business plan.

At the time one local journalist told me this was the beginning of the Presidential campaign. I now see that she was right, as on Wednesday, State-sanctioned television and a Foreign Ministry-supported website proclaimed a calm and clean election while all day long our newsroom and other media had received reports to the contrary of ballot stuffing, outright beatings of journalists and proxy observers and even of one ballot box that was stolen.

Most of the country relies on television for its news, and, in the absence of A1+ there was no broadcast that didn't follow the Party line.

It is no coincidence, either, that a decision on assigning a new frequency that might have gone to A1+ - which should have been made in November - was postponed until after the election, by a Commission that is appointed by the President.

And speaking of postponements: On January 17, two days after an attorney claimed he would produce evidence implicating Kocharyan sympathizers in the 1999 Parliament assassinations, the trial of the accused was put on hold and - after more than a year of steady and almost daily testimony - has not had a session since.

If at first an outsider is naïve about how things work here, the pendulum might later swing to paranoia.

Still, I wonder too why in a country as small as this, the public has yet to be given results of a census taken in October 2001. The entire population of Russia was counted and figures released in two months. Yet in this little place we're supposed to believe that the process takes 19 months - as a report is expected in June, after the Parliamentary elections. Might an up-to-date account of the numbers make it impossible for the Kocharyan camp to have gotten the votes claimed?

In any case, whether by his own manipulation or the Opposition's impotence, Robert Kocharyan got nearly twice as many votes as the next man, and was only 0.2 percent away from the 50 percent (plus one vote) required to win.

He was only about 4,500 votes shy of the combined votes of his eight opponents. Again today his promoters are confidently predicting victory in the run off.

But in the dimmed sun of bright campaign promise, long shadows fall from his term in office and chill a disenfranchised citizenry who at best might be tolerant though it deserves to be hopeful.

He has run on a platform that recounts five years of economic growth. And it is undeniable that Armenia is in better fiscal condition than at anytime since independence, with evidence that the trend will continue.

But consider this: Who but a total incompetent or outright adversary could stop the growth, considering that so much of it comes from international aid, out to buy good will and regional stability, and from a Diaspora eager to build a country regardless of who runs it?

And who has profited from the economic boom? Certainly not the thousands who have fled the country during Kocharyan's administration, so perhaps others, including Government Ministers who make routine gambling trips to Moscow and own banks, hotels and discos.

It is known here that the President's wife recently bought one of the privatized hospitals and that his former political allies now running Artsax are in line to buy two others, one of which, a source tells me, was ordered privatized by the President over the objection of Parliament.

Maybe there's nothing wrong with former Communists capitalizing on capitalism, except that anybody who has so much as paid off a traffic cop knows that in this country business success comes from skirting the law. And even the perception of corruptibility damages a public's ability to believe its leadership.

The argument is well made that a flourish of new business brings jobs and that "trickle down" economics could save the middle class.

I hope that is true. But many of us would like it if the trickle didn't so often stop in the pockets of Ministers and mobsters whose loyalty to the man in charge is bought by guarantees of personal financial excess.

Finally, it should not be forgotten that Robert Kocharyan dominates the political scene here today only because his two principal rivals for power were murdered on the floor of the Parliament. Whether either of the assassinated would have led Armenia any better will forever remain unknown. The "martyred" were also flawed men.

But one left a ghost. And whether or not he is Presidential material, he has risen to have haunting effects on the plans of this President and his men.

 

www.armenianow.com

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Decision 2003: Voting day turned from fair to foul at some precincts

 

By Gayane Abrahamyan, Zhanna Alexanyan,

Vahan Ishkanyan and Gayane Mkrtchyan

 

ArmeniaNow reporters On Election Day, Wednesday, a woman named Louisa who lives in the Arabkir area of Yerevan received a knock on her door and was offered 5,000 drams (about $8.60) if she would sign an agreement to vote for President Robert Kocharyan. She was also offered a ride to and from her voting precinct station.

 

The campaigners took Louisa's name and passport money. Louisa took the money and the ride.

 

"One way or another I was going to vote for Kocharyan," she said later. "But the money won't do any harm."

 

Actions such as money for votes were among accounts of violations leading a collection of foreign monitors to conclude that the first round of the 2003 Presidential election did not meet international standards of a democratic election.

 

A proxy of Stepan Demirchyan complained that at poling station 260710 in Echmiadzin at about 8:30 a.m., when around 30 votes had been cast, a group appeared and put more than 80 pre-marked ballots into the box.

 

The accusation was recorded by a team of foreign observers on the site and similar violations were reported in three other Echmiadzin stations around 6:30 p.m.

 

At School No. 2, Elena Paronyan, a proxy of the Armenian Communist Party reported that a group including the Mayor of Echmiadzin, Hakob Hakobyan, and Robert Kocharyan's local campaign manager Hrachik Abgaryan "surrounded the electoral box. Whoever you complain to, they shut your mouth. They did their job laughing and went away."

 

At another site a proxy, who wished to remain anonymous, says about 30 "broad-shouldered men" surrounded the electoral box in three rows, and "the number of electoral papers they put into the box corresponds to the number of people registered in Armenia but living in other countries. They did their calculations in advance."

 

Complaints were made to Central Electoral Commission president Seyran Melkonyan who said: "They went out and left without saying anything. I did not prevent that. What should I do?"

 

The editorial office of ArmeniaNow received a call from School No. 172 in Yerevan that a man took a bundle of ballots from underneath his coat and put them in the ballot box. At that location Demirchyan proxy Kamo Avetisyan claimed that about 200 false ballots had been cast.

 

Anna Arzakanyan, an observer with the Non-Governmental Organization "The Choice is Yours" said she witnessed the ballot box stuffing and that police on the scene did not intervene though they were allowed to. Electoral Commission representative Lianna Mkrtchyan says she was talking and saw nothing.

 

Five Opposition candidates signed a letter to the Electoral Commission, citing 10 violations, including charges that names of the deceased were included on voter registration lists.

 

The letter also alleged that a group of young men in the village of Ohanyan tried to stuff a ballot box and when they were stopped, stole the box.

 

Candidate Vazgen Manoukyan assessed the process of elections in 2003 as worse than in 1996 and 1998.

 

"I have much information," the former Prime Minister said. "There probably were violations such as filling voting boxes in 1996, but that time the majority of violations were made through registrations. This is being organized by the authorities intentionally in order to guarantee the percentage."

 

Adrine Avagyan, 27, proxy for Manoukyan in election district No. 40, says she was attacked when she tried to interfere with a man who was putting multiple ballots in the box.

 

"I wasn't able to take the ballots from him," Avagyan said. "He threw me to the ground and continued to beat and curse."

 

Election Commission member Venera Stepanyan says that at her poling station in Nairy Zaryan school Election Day went smoothly until about 30 minutes before closing time.

 

At around 7:30 p.m.: "About 20 people gathered and created disorder. They stood near the ballot box. We told them to stay away from the box but they didn't. Then the lights went off and noise was raised."

 

Nubar Gevorgyan, who was in charge of watching the box said men were trying to take away the ballot box.

 

"When the lights went off I put my hand on the box but when they pushed me away I didn't see what happened next," Gevorgyan said, showing his hand which had been scraped when the box was pulled away.

 

(At an upstairs station in the same school at around 4 p.m. a proxy chased but was unable to catch a man they say put several ballots into the box.)

 

Sophelia Vardanyan, who teaches Armenian language and was standing as an observer for "The Choice Is Yours", was pushed away by the intruders.

 

She was crying of insult and trembling of fear following the incident.

 

"I've been respecting Kocharyan until this moment," she said. "Now he is disgusting to me. How can I register these breaches? I can't write down incorrect information. But I am afraid to tell the truth. Who knows who is who? My son is attending this school. I don't want somebody to hurt him."

 

Proxies and Commission members opened the box to inspect the wrinkled ballots and found they contained votes for President Kocharyan. It turns out that, although the ballots contained Commission member signatures, the stamp necessary to validate the votes had come from a different precinct.

 

(On the night before an election, Commission members sign ballots which are then placed in a safe. After a vote has been made, a different Commission member than the one who signed the ballot, stamps the ballot in the presence of the voter, who then places the ballot in the box. It is possible that the men obtained the signed ballots overnight and hoped that the Commission members would only look at the signature and not the stamp. In any case, 150 votes with the wrong stamp were declared invalid.)

 

Zhanna Antonyan of Yerevan says that neither she nor her 25-year old daughter's names were listed on a voting register, but that her husband, who died seven years ago, was.

 

She said she would not bother with going to the court to have her name restored.

 

"I'm really tired of doing this every election," she said. "Let them do whatever they want with my vote."

 

 

It has been a season of many emotions, Decision 2003. Doves of peace were offered and officers to enforce that peace were stationed around the Central Elections Commission.

 

 

www.armenianow.com

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The declaration below seems to be the latest development that I know. My understanding is that when California wakes up tomorrow, information about further escalation will have arrived, I think.

_________________________________________________

 

KOCHARIAN AND HIS REGIME ATTEMPT TO "USURP POWER": DEMIRCHIAN

 

YEREVAN, February 22 (Noyan Tapan). Robert Kocharian and his

regime are making unconcealed attempts to usurp power under the

guise of elections. The public will and determination to prevent

this from happening have already made the criminal regime back off

and abandon their designs to declare Kocharian the winner in the

first round. This is the statement of the presidential candidate,

PPA leader Stepan Demirchian, which was made public in a press

conference on February 22. According to Demirchian's statement, this

aspiration of the authorities is testified to by the mass violations

and riggings committed in Kocharian's favor with the participation

of pro-establishment representatives during the February 19 voting

and the subsequent vote count, the inaction of the Central Electoral

Commission that had failed to prevent those violations, the failure

to stop the law-enforcement bodies from taking violent actions, and

finally the February 22 arrests of people who participated in the

previous day's protest rally in Yerevan. According to the document,

the sum of the data already falsified in precincts has nothing to do

with the published votes, which is evidenced by the fact that the CEC

avoids providing a precinct-by-precinct breakdown of the vote. "The

attempts to apply force to stifle the will of the people expressed on

February 19 in order to retain power by all means is the last-ditch

efforts of the agonizing anti-popular, criminal regime. All these

attempts are futile. The united people will achieve a victory," the

author of the statement stresses, adding that an attempt to usurp

power is the gravest crime, and the whole responsibility for its

consequences lies entirely with Robert Kocharian.

 

[ February 22, 2003, 04:23 PM: Message edited by: MJ ]

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quote:
Originally posted by MJ:

Another outcome is the regimes resignation conditional to Demirchian's issuance of a pardon to some key players in the regime.


Here is the second step (the furst step being the "coaches coaching of the opposition:")

 

-------------------------------------------------

 

STEPAN DEMIRTCHYAN WILL NOT ACCEPT KOCHARYAN'S PROPOSAL TO MEET

 

Arminfo

22 Feb 2003

 

FEBRUARY 22. "Neither Robert Kocharyan not representatives of his

electoral staff have not asked me to meet with them," presidential

candidate, leader of the People's Party of Armenia Stepan Demirtchyan

said at a press-conference today.

 

He said that he does not want to meet with a man who sponsors criminal

structures. He said that he did not proclaim himself a presidential. "I

only said that the first round was rigged and the falsifiers must

be punished."

 

According to head of Demirtchyan's electoral staff Grikor Haroutyunyan

the real picture was received only in 50% of the electoral

districts. According to the data collected, Pres.Kocharyan polled

42%. If one adds to this figure CEC's falsified data from the remaining

electoral districts, Kocharyan polls 46.6% at most, but never 49.8%.

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And here speaks the top plunderer and murderer of Armenia:

_________________________________________________

 

OPPOSITION'S ACTIONS JEOPARDIZE ARMENIA'S SECURITY: DEFENCE MINISTRY

 

Arminfo

22 Feb 2003

 

FEBRUARY 22. The opposition's current actions break the internal

stability in Armenia and jeopardize the country's constitutional

order and security, which is pregnant with unforeseeable consequences,

the board of Armenia's Defence Ministry stated today.

 

In this situation the Armenian army fully supports the government. "We

urge the opposition to stop making anti-constitutional and opportunist

statements. As a guarantor of the country's security the DM reminds

that Armenia is still living in conditions of temporary armistice." The

DM urges the country's public and opposition to be sensible and

reserved, to comply with the law and to maintain the public order.

 

"The Armenian army will not stay passive in case of an attempt to

shatter Armenia's statehood or a possibile threat to the country's

security." "We believe that reason will triumph and the second round

of the presidential election will be held in full compliance with

the law."

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very interesting article from www.armenianow.com

 

Outside Eye: A non-Armenian's view of life in his adopted home

By John Hughes

 

Editor After boasting - as early as four months ago and as recently as Wednesday - that he would be re-elected without a runoff, Robert Kocharyan may be just days away from losing his presidency to a ghost.

 

Stepan Demirchyan got enough votes Wednesday to force a runoff, but it was his slain father, Karen, whose reputation earned them.

 

Armenia has unexpectedly become a boiler of potential political upheaval bubbling under one of winter's biggest snows.

 

Into that snow on Wednesday voters went to speak their minds and again on Thursday, some 10,000 or so, to shout their claims that their voting rights were abused.

 

Turns out that foreign observers agreed with the protesters' claims. And now not only is the President's career in jeopardy but his legacy polished by a reign over historic economic growth is threatened with the tarnish of his having staged a corrupt campaign and still losing.

 

In the few words he managed for Thursday's rally, Demirchyan promised that his first order of business if elected President would be to punish those who tried to steal the election from him.

 

His comrades in opposition used words such as "rape" and "political corpses" to emphasize their commitment to the cause. All the rhetoric needed was a "smoke him out" reference and it could have been a Bush vs. Bin Laden rally.

 

The politics of revenge may determine Armenia's next President, but even the most anti-Kocharyan voter must wonder what kind of house Demirchyan would set up once he'd cleaned the current one.

 

It would likely be a house into which veteran statesmen such as Vazgen Manoukyan, Artashes Geghamyan and Raffi Hovhanissian would be welcomed. And their association may, second to his name, be Demirchyan's strongest credential.

 

In Armenia's last Presidential election in 1998, it was Karen Demirchyan and Kocharyan in a hotly contested runoff. (Karen Demirchyan, who became Speaker of Parliament, was one of eight leaders assassinated in 1999.)

 

Nostalgia for a past that is no longer possible in independent Armenia has thrust Stepan Demirchyan into a role once held by his Communist leader father. And if the people who are trying to put him in power are merely voting for "the good old days", then disappointment can be the expected fruit of their campaign season.

 

No one must be more shocked than Robert Kocharyan these days, unless it is those who have ridden his reign to their own places of power and may now be two weeks away from abrupt career changes.

 

I don't know anybody who likes Robert Kocharyan. I do know, however, people who voted for him reluctantly because the alternatives were not strong enough to win their confidence. I doubt anything will happen before March 5to change those votes.

 

But it must concern Kocharyan supporters that, even with the privilege of power afforded him to abuse voting legislation (as a joint report by observers from OSCE, ODIHR and PACE has confirmed), he failed not only to receive a mandate but even to win in the manner he said he would.

 

Long before the well-meaning West sent its overseers here to judge Armenia's ability to behave democratically, measures - some through the subtle means of legislation and others as blatant as a bullet - were being taken to assure a Kocharyan victory.

 

You have to be here awhile to see the pieces fall into place. I hadn't been here long enough to see the cause and effect potential last April when the only oppositional television station, A1+, was denied a broadcast license.

 

While local colleagues were trying to convince me of Government conspiracy, I argued that the television company simply failed to produce a good business plan.

 

At the time one local journalist told me this was the beginning of the Presidential campaign. I now see that she was right, as on Wednesday, State-sanctioned television and a Foreign Ministry-supported website proclaimed a calm and clean election while all day long our newsroom and other media had received reports to the contrary of ballot stuffing, outright beatings of journalists and proxy observers and even of one ballot box that was stolen.

 

Most of the country relies on television for its news, and, in the absence of A1+ there was no broadcast that didn't follow the Party line.

 

It is no coincidence, either, that a decision on assigning a new frequency that might have gone to A1+ - which should have been made in November - was postponed until after the election, by a Commission that is appointed by the President.

 

And speaking of postponements: On January 17, two days after an attorney claimed he would produce evidence implicating Kocharyan sympathizers in the 1999 Parliament assassinations, the trial of the accused was put on hold and - after more than a year of steady and almost daily testimony - has not had a session since.

 

If at first an outsider is naïve about how things work here, the pendulum might later swing to paranoia.

 

Still, I wonder too why in a country as small as this, the public has yet to be given results of a census taken in October 2001. The entire population of Russia was counted and figures released in two months. Yet in this little place we're supposed to believe that the process takes 19 months - as a report is expected in June, after the Parliamentary elections. Might an up-to-date account of the numbers make it impossible for the Kocharyan camp to have gotten the votes claimed?

 

In any case, whether by his own manipulation or the Opposition's impotence, Robert Kocharyan got nearly twice as many votes as the next man, and was only 0.2 percent away from the 50 percent (plus one vote) required to win.

 

He was only about 4,500 votes shy of the combined votes of his eight opponents. Again today his promoters are confidently predicting victory in the run off.

 

But in the dimmed sun of bright campaign promise, long shadows fall from his term in office and chill a disenfranchised citizenry who at best might be tolerant though it deserves to be hopeful.

 

He has run on a platform that recounts five years of economic growth. And it is undeniable that Armenia is in better fiscal condition than at anytime since independence, with evidence that the trend will continue.

 

But consider this: Who but a total incompetent or outright adversary could stop the growth, considering that so much of it comes from international aid, out to buy good will and regional stability, and from a Diaspora eager to build a country regardless of who runs it?

 

And who has profited from the economic boom? Certainly not the thousands who have fled the country during Kocharyan's administration, so perhaps others, including Government Ministers who make routine gambling trips to Moscow and own banks, hotels and discos.

 

It is known here that the President's wife recently bought one of the privatized hospitals and that his former political allies now running Artsax are in line to buy two others, one of which, a source tells me, was ordered privatized by the President over the objection of Parliament.

 

Maybe there's nothing wrong with former Communists capitalizing on capitalism, except that anybody who has so much as paid off a traffic cop knows that in this country business success comes from skirting the law. And even the perception of corruptibility damages a public's ability to believe its leadership.

 

The argument is well made that a flourish of new business brings jobs and that "trickle down" economics could save the middle class.

 

I hope that is true. But many of us would like it if the trickle didn't so often stop in the pockets of Ministers and mobsters whose loyalty to the man in charge is bought by guarantees of personal financial excess.

 

Finally, it should not be forgotten that Robert Kocharyan dominates the political scene here today only because his two principal rivals for power were murdered on the floor of the Parliament. Whether either of the assassinated would have led Armenia any better will forever remain unknown. The "martyred" were also flawed men.

 

But one left a ghost. And whether or not he is Presidential material, he has risen to have haunting effects on the plans of this President and his men.

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It appears that today’s demonstrations in Yerevan have been carried without repressions, however with thousands of people chanting “Amot, Amot” directed at the ruling regime.

 

One of the leaders of demonstration in his speech has expressed confidence in the employees of the Armenian Internal Affairs Ministry, claiming that these employees are with the people, they have put their lives on the line to defend the country during the military operations in early 90s, and despite being under the command of the corrupt leadership, many of them are refusing to obey the orders to conduct oppressive actions and operations against the protesters.

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IN FACT, ROBERT KOCHARIAN AND HIS ADMINISTRATION ATTEMPT TO SEIZE

POWER BY FORCE, PPA LEADER STEPAN DEMIRCHIAN

 

YEREVAN, February 22. /ARKA/. Current RA President Robert Kocharian

and his administration attempt at seizing the power by force,

chairman of People's Party of Armenia, presidential candidate Stepan

Demirchian said at a press conference today in Yerevan. He noted that

after yesterday's rally in Yerevan, about 50 people were arrested, 35

of which are his trustees. "The authorities now go to open violence,

ignoring the will of people who demand that justice is restored in

the country," he said. In his opinion, this testifies to the

circumstance that the current authorities of the country makes its

last efforts to keep the power …. The people is offended, and if fair

elections were conducted not that many people would join the rally,"

Demirchian said. He demanded that the authorities punished all those

in charge of the ballot falsifications at the presidential electins.

Presidential contender Stepan Demirchian's pre-election office heads

were arrested for organizing an unauthorized rally on January 21, in

Yerevan. These are mainly members of Republic Party and PPA. They are

sentenced to 15-day imprisonment.

Note according to RA CEC decision, the second stage of the

presidential elections will take place on March 5, 2003. Current RA

President Robert Kocharian (49.8% of votes) and PPA chairman Stepan

Demirchian (28.3% of votes) will participate in the elections. 9

candidates participated at the first stage of the presidential

elections. K.K.-0-

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I was in lebanon in 1958 when Armenians fought each other and we lost over 150 Armenians , it was a horrifying experience , lets pray that the same thing dosent happen in Armenia , lets all pray for the safety of our mother land .

From what i am reading seems to me Armenia is going in that direction .

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--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

LESSONS OF POLITICAL MATHEMATICS

 

By David Petrosyan

 

February 24, 2003

 

The Central Electoral Commission (CEC) is known to have stated on

February 16 that the total number of eligible voters included in the

voter lists for the February 19 presidential elections was 2 million,

295 thousand, 330 people. Meanwhile, according to the official

information of the Visa and Passport Department of the RA Police, 2

million, 246 thousand, 14 people were issued passports in

1995-2003. Judging by the declared number of voters, their number

exceeds by 50,000 the number of people bearing passports (as far as we

know, no one or nearly no one voted on the basis of "old" Soviet

passports on Election Day). About 250,000 people having passports are

aged above 16 but below 18, i.e. they were not eligible to vote. If we

take into account the number of people who were issued passports and

then died, as well as those who went abroad, it turns out that the

real number of voters hardly exceeds 1 million, 800 thousand people,

i.e. nearly 500,000 fewer than the number declared by the CEC. This

is the first lesson of political mathematics that the CEC taught the

voters, candidates and their supporters, international observers and

journalists.

 

According to the official report of the CEC, the number of voters

issued ballot papers half an hour before the closure of the vote was 1

million, 216 thousand, 503, and the final showing of the number of

voters who were issued ballot papers (announced by the CEC with a

six-hour delay) stood at 1 million, 464 thousand, 93. According to

the provided information, during the closing 30 minutes, about 250,000

voters (to be more precise 247,590) voted countrywide. On the

average, over 100 people within 30 minutes in each precinct, which is

technically impossible. This is the second lesson of Armenian

political mathematics.

 

We think that keeping their own account of the votes, the

opposition leaders assume as a reference point the figure of 1

million, 216 thousand cited above, considering the above-mentioned

250,000 to have been illegally added in favor of Robert Kocharian.

Opposition sources estimate that the real number of votes cast for the

incumbent president does not exceed 250,000 (i.e. about 20%, which, in

principle, corresponds to the real electoral resource). It proceeds

from this that the rest 900-950 thousand votes were distributed among

the other presidential candidates, first of all Stepan Demirchian and

Artashes Geghamian. Naturally, a question arises: in what proportion?

According to one version, Stepan Demirchian polled over 50% of the

vote (i.e. over 700,000 real votes). Some more ardent supporters of

Demirchian contend that he had garnered about 800,000 votes, which

seems to be exaggerated), and the second place was won by Artashes

Geghamian. Another, more prevalent version suggests that the second

round is to be held between Stepan Demirchian and Artashes Geghamian.

It is practically impossible to verify the genuineness of this

information and these versions, as mass unsealing of packages with

ballot papers, stuffing of new ballot papers in the packages with

ticks in favor of Kocharian has been conducted countrywide over the

last several days (still on February 17 and 18 the opposition revealed

and presented to the public ballot papers ticked in favor of the

incumbent president. Judging from the provided documents, the state

machinery intended to conduct a kind of "parallel" elections, in doing

which it partially succeeded) and, on the contrary, withdrawal of

ballots cast in favor of opposition representatives. The substitution

of ballot papers is likely to be aimed at adjusting the final figures

of the first round announced by the CEC with the number of ballot

papers cast for Kocharian and other candidates. Thus, if any of the

opposition candidates applies to the Constitutional Court demanding

that a recount of votes be conducted, even if the suit is satisfied,

his action may yield no result in several days.

 

The team of the incumbent president insists on the official

results of the vote presented by the CEC, according to which the

incumbent president received over 700,000 voters out of 1 million, 464

thousand. Comparing the official data on the votes cast for the

incumbent president and the presumable real number of votes cast for

Robert Kocharian in the opposition's opinion (see above), it becomes

clear where the figure of 400-450 thousand falsified votes was taken

from (this is the sum of 250,000 "faked" and 150-200 thousand

"stuffed" and "erroneously counted" pro-opposition votes in favor of

Robert Kocharian). We would remind you that six out of nine members of

the election commissions of all levels are supporters of the incumbent

president. This is the third lesson of political mathematics in

Armenia.

 

Mass violations in the run-up to the elections and vote count,

refusal to accept complaints and other violations of the Electoral

Code exceeded by their scope all the violations during the previous

presidential elections (1996 and 1998). All these circumstances

resulted in a rather tough assessment of the Armenian presidential

elections by international observers (OSCE and Council of Europe),

which called the legitimacy of the elections into question. In this

respect, the reaction of the opposition in the form of mass rallies

and marches of protest towards different state establishments (CEC,

Prosecutor's Office, Government, etc.) looks quite natural (according

to various estimations, no less than 70,000 people participated in

these actions). At the same time, one should not rule out that the

number of those rallying in Yerevan may increase and such

demonstrations may start in other cities and towns of Armenia as well.

 

In light of the facts mentioned above we came to the following

conclusions:

 

- For the first time since the USSR's break-up the incumbent

failed to win outright in the elections in the countries of the South

Caucasus and Central Asia;

 

- Mass demonstrations of protest and calls to recognize the

leading opposition candidate as the winner of the elections are

reminiscent of the political processes witnessed in the wake of the

1996 presidential elections in Armenia and the 2000 presidential

elections in Yugoslavia;

 

- President Robert Kocharian has fallen into a political trap.

The international community has made it quite clear to the current

leader that in case of a similar vote in the second round, he will not

be recognized as a legitimate head of state. Meanwhile, Kocharian can

barely claim a flawless victory, which is evidenced by the real and

not officially declared results of the first round. If the situation

maintains its intensification-prone profile it may well turn out that

some interested countries (like Russia and France) may give Mr.

Kocharian and his family with a transport lift to leave Armenia;

 

- We still consider that there is a high degree of likelihood of

clashes between the opposition supported by the majority of the nation

and the militarized structures under the supervision of the R.

Kocharian - S. Sargsian duo. We believe the authorities might resort

to the use of firearms with a view to "establishing order." That's

why we would like to draw the attention of our readers to the media

reports that riot police had been armed with rubber bullets days

before the polling day.

 

Under the circumstances, Robert Kocharian and his team stake on

the use of force (detentions of opposition candidates' proxies who

tried to prevent fraud). Only the top leadership of ARF-Dashnaktsutiun

shows real political support to the president, while the other

pro-presidential parties do not exhibit due diligence in supporting

Robert Kocharian. The opposition is brought under fire by two

following political schemes:

 

- As Armenian society wasn't informed by the Kocharian-supervised

electronic media on the true political meaning of the OSCE and PACE

missions' reports on the election outcomes (the pro-presidential media

reflect merely the political side of the preliminary statement issued

on February 20), only the CIS mission report is cited (the latter

described the elections as free, fair and transparent). On the basis

of that we may assume that all the fraud allegations are nothing but

opposition conjectures;

 

- The opposition is blamed for mass falsifications due to the

following logical formula: "You were losing, that's why you were

resorting to fraud."

 

All that we mentioned above leads us to conclude that February 19

marked the beginning of the process of the president's removal from

power. The events of the coming days will show what form it will take

and how long it will last.

 

"The Noyan Tapan Highlights" N7, February, 2003

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The internet bases votes are deprived of scientific base ( I am referring to the Science of Statistics - as much as it may be considered science) and reflect the inclinations of those who have access to internet, are familiar with the site or wish to vote.

 

Also, one may conjecture that the major chunk of the voters there are from Diaspora, which doesn't reflect the internal moods of the citizens of the Republic.

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The article below makes an impression of Geghamyan being a sore loser. (He has always been known to have a huge ego.)

 

There is an interesting picture in the source page next to him. The younger person is Hmayak Hovhannessyan. In the years of my graduate studies in Moscow I have overlapped with him, though have not ever had personal relationship. Then, Hmayak was being referred by a dual name - xxxx Hamo (sorry - cannot use the full nick name here). He had free access to Kremlin, and was spending significant time there on a daily basis. However, it was recognized that he was a very competent and smart guy.

 

In general, there are so many old names (with old stories behind them) in this article (and the latest events in general) that it makes me chuckle.

_________________________________________________

 

None of the Above: Geghamyan refuses to support either candidate, claims only he can save the country from bloodshed

 

By Marianna Grigoryan

ArmeniaNow reporter

 

Third-place candidate Artashes Geghamyan has removed himself from any participation in next Wednesday's runoff, but the veteran politician by no means left the fray quietly.

Late Monday, Geghamyan, whose 17 percent in the first round of voting is thought to have potential influence on the runoff between President Robert Kocharyan and Stepan Demirchyan, made statements that surprised and likely disappointed his Opposition colleagues.

Geghamyan announced that he would not give his support to either candidate, claiming that the initial vote was rigged by the President to face Demirchyan because Kocharyan knew he would face "inevitable defeat" in a runoff with Geghamyan.

But it is a much more inflammatory comment from Geghamyan that drew reaction from the Opposition.

"The incumbent Armenian authorities know perfectly well that they will be executed by firing squad if the opposition wins," Geghamyan said, adding: "Everything was done to prevent me entering the second round of the elections, although it was Artashes Geghamyan who was the guarantor that no blood would be shed in Armenia."

The latter comment drew sharp reaction from Demirchyan supporters.

"Our candidate has never said anything about physical reprisals," said Demirchyan campaign manager Grigor Harutyunyan, who called Geghamyan's remarks "incomprehensible."

"I share Mr. Geghamyan's view on mass irregularities," Aram Sargsyan of the pro-Demirchyan Hanrapetutyun party told Radio Free Europe (www.armenialiberty.org). "On this issue (of potential violence) Artashes Geghamyan has gone too far. I don't like his reference to some bi-lateral clans. It's too emotional."

Today Geghamyan said he will appeal to the Central Election Commission to have the election declared invalid and if he is not satisfied with the CEC's response will take his claim to Constitutional Court.

Meanwhile lesser-know candidate Aram Harutyunyan, who got less than one percent of last Wednesday's vote said he will not support Demirchyan.

Much of Monday and Tuesday's attention focused on specifics surrounding the arrests of several dozen Demirchyan supporters.

The Ministry of Justice says 99 people have been arrested in Yerevan and surrounding regions. Demirchyan headquarters claimed more than 130 arrests have been made in the past two days, and that those taken into custody include members of the Demirchyan campaign staff. Some were arrested then released, while 33 remain in custody, according to "Tanik" a Non-Governmental Organization dealing with judicial and human rights issues.

The arrests were for "holliganism", for insulting police and for participation in a non-sanctioned public demonstration. (The head of the Yerevan Municipality legal department told ArmeniaNow that only in cases in which an organization wants to have streets closed or use police for crowd control is it necessary to apply for a city permit.)

Those detained face up to 15 days in jail and will not be allowed to vote next Wednesday.

The majority of the detained are said to be Demirchyan proxies.

At a press conference today, Ashot Bleyan, director of Tanik said those in custody are being held illegally, as some were not allowed to attend their own trials and some were not allowed attorney representation.

"The judge announced to everybody that he himself is violating the law by having closed trial sessions and that he will do whatever he wants to," said Parliament Member Arshak Sadoyan, who spoke to the presiding judge on behalf of the arrested.

Republican Party member Armen Mkrtchyan, head of Arabkir electoral committee said police came to his house early in the morning Sunday to arrest him. Mkrtchyan said he called journalists and when television reporters appeared the police left.

"What is happening in the post-election period can be described as state terrorism," says Avetik Ishkhanyan, head of the Armenian Committee of Helsinki, who is now trying to protect people's rights through participating in the juridical procedures.

"Sometimes they are being taken to the police departments, threatened and then set free. Sometimes they are being arrested or subjected to administrative fines. There are many cases of people not sleeping at their homes, they just escape. There are also cases when relatives do not know where their children are. Yesterday a villager from Vedi addressed me telling that it had been three days he didn't know where his son was. The police took him away and the place where he was taken is unknown."

Ministry of Justice spokesman Ara Saghatelyan denied any political motivation in the arrests, citing Article 180 of the Code on Administrative Misdemeanors.

In other election-related news Tuesday, U.S. Ambassador John Ordway said his Embassy shares the views of the OSCE report on election violations. However, Ordway denied that the US had announced that in case of five percent violations it would not recognize the elections as legitimate.

(ArmeniaNow reporter Zhanna Alexanyan contributed to this report.)

 

 

http://www.armenianow.com/2003/specialedit...ion/february25/

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Hrant was always famous with his simple but penetrating language.

 

_________________________________________________

 

§Àܸ¸ÆØàôÂÚ²Ü 700 в¼²ð Ò²ÚÜºðÆ Øºæ âÎ²Ü Øºè²Ì ÐàÆÜºð, ´²ò²Î²Üºð ºì ̲Êì²Ìܺð¦

25.02.2003

 

Ò»½ »Ýù Ý»ñϳ۳óÝáõÙ ÙÇ Ñ³ïí³Í êÆØ ݳ˳•³Ñ, ²Ä å³ï•³Ù³íáñ Ðñ³Ýï ʳã³ïñÛ³ÝǪ ÷»ïñí³ñÇ 23-ÇÝ Ø³ï»Ý³¹³ñ³ÝÇ Ùáï ϳ۳ó³Í ѳÝñ³Ñ³í³ùáõÙ áõÝ»ó³Í »ÉáõÛÃÇó:

 

§²Ûë ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ »ÉùÁ ϳÝËáñáßí³Í ¿ñ ¹»é»õë ÑáõÝí³ñÇ 21-ÇÝ, »ñµ г۳ëï³ÝáõÙ ëÏë»ó •áñÍ»É Ñ³ñÛáõñ³íáñ ûñ»ÝùÝ»ñÇó Áݹ³Ù»ÝÁ Ù»ÏÁ, »ñµ Áݹ¹ÇÙáõÃÛ³Ý Ý»ñϳ۳óáõóÇãÝ»ñÝ Çñ³íáõÝù ëï³ó³Ý áõÕÇÕ »Ã»ñáí ¹ÇÙ»É Çñ»Ýó ÅáÕáíñ¹ÇÝ: Ø»Ýù ¹»é ã•Çï»ÇÝù, û áí ¿ñ ÉÇÝ»Éáõ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç ÁÝïñÛ³ÉÁ, µ³Ûó •Çï»ÇÝù, áñ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á ѳÕûÉáõ ¿: гÛïÝí»Éáí ³Û¹åÇëÇ ÷³ÏáõÕáõÙª Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ÷»ïñí³ñÇ 4-ÇÝ •áñÍÇ ¹ñ»óÇÝ Çñ»Ýó í»ñçÇÝ ÙÇçáóÁ:

 

ö»ïñí³ñÇ 4-ÇÝ ³Ù»Ý³µ³ñÓñ ³ïÛ³ÝÝ»ñáõÙ áñáßí³Í ¿ñ µéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñáí, ýǽÇÏ³Ï³Ý •áñÍáÕáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñáí ϳݕݻóÝ»É ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ñ³ÕÃ³Ï³Ý ÁÝóóùÁ: ´³Ûó гÛÏ ´³µáõ˳ÝÛ³ÝÁ »ñ»ù ÁÝÏ»ñÝ»ñáí ϳݕݻóñ»ó ³Û¹ á×ñ³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÁ: гÛÏÇ ³ñÛ³ÝÁ Ù»Ýù áã û å³ï³ë˳ݻóÇÝù ³ñÛáõÝáí, ÇÝãå»ë Çñ»Ýù ¿ÇÝ ëå³ëáõÙ, ³ÛÉ å³ï³ë˳ݻóÇÝù ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý ѽáñ ù³ÛÉáí. ²ñï³ß³ïÇ, ²ñ³ñ³ïÇ Ù³ñ½Ç ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á »Ï³í áõ áã ³ë³ó »¯õ ØáõÏÇÝ, »¯õ Ù³ñ½å»ïÇÝ, »¯õ èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇÝ: гÕÃ³Ï³Ý ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ß³ñáõݳÏí»óÇÝ ÙÇÝã»õ ùí»³ñÏáõÃÛ³Ý ûñÁ: ö»ïñí³ñÇ 19-Çݪ ųÙÁ 18-ÇÝ, Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, Ëáõ׳åÇ Ù³ïÝí»Éáí, ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÁÝóóùÁ ¹áõñë µ»ñ»óÇÝ Çñ³í³Ï³Ý ¹³ßïÇó »õ Ùï³Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý ¹³ßï, áñï»Õ Ýñ³Ýù ï³å³ÉíáõÙ »Ý í»ñçݳϳݳå»ë: øí»³ñÏáõÃÛ³Ý ûñÁ »ñ»ÏáÛ³Ý ³ñ¹»Ý Í»Íáí-ç³ñ¹áí ¾çÙdzÍÝáõÙ, ì³ñ¹»ÝÇÏáõÙ, ²ñï³ß³ïáõÙ Ù»ñ Ý»ñϳ۳óáõóÇãÝ»ñÇÝ ¹áõñë ¿ÇÝ Ñ³ÝáõÙ ï»Õ³Ù³ë»ñÇó, áñå»ë½Ç Ýϳñ»Ý ³Û¹ Ï»Õïáï Ãí»ñÁ: ²Ûëûñ Ï³Ý Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ, áíù»ñ ³ëáõÙ »Ýª èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÁ 700000 Ó³ÛÝ áõÝÇ, »õ ¹³ »ñ³ßËÇù ¿ ѳÕûÉáõ ѳٳñ: ºë ÑÇß»óÝáõÙ »Ù Ýñ³Ýó, ûÏáõ½ ³Û¹ Ãí»ñÇÝ Ñ³í³ï³Ýù, ûÏáõ½»õ 0,2 ïáÏáë ï³ñµ»ñáõÃÛ³Ùµ, ÙÛáõë 700.000 Ó³ÛÝÁ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á ïí»É ¿ Áݹ¹ÇÙáõÃÛ³Ý Ý»ñϳ۳óáõóÇãÝ»ñÇÝ: ºí Áݹ¹ÇÙáõÃÛ³Ý ëï³ó³Í Ó³ÛÝ»ñÇ Ù»ç ãÏ³Ý Ù»é³Í Ñá•ÇÝ»ñ, ѳÝñ³å»ïáõÃÛáõÝÇó µ³ó³Ï³ Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ, ãÏ³Ý Í³Ëí³ÍÝ»ñ: ²Û¹ 700.000-Á µÝ³ÏãáõÃÛ³Ý ³ÛÝ ç³Ëç³ËÇã ٻͳٳëÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ ¿, áñÇ íñ³ Ù»Ýù ÙÇßï ÑáõÛë»ñ »Ýù ¹ñ»É:

 

Ø»ñ áõÅÁ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç Ù»ç ¿, »õ ³Ûëûñ ³Û¹ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Ý ³Ûëï»Õ Ï³Ý•Ý³Í ¿: ²Ûë áõÅÁ µ³í³Ï³Ý ¿, áñå»ë½Ç ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Ý ³Ûë •³ñݳÝÁ Çñ Çñ³íáõÝùÝ»ñÇ ï»ñÁ ¹³éݳ »õ ϳéáõóÇ ³ÛÝ »ñÏÇñÁ, áñÁ ÙÇßï »ñ³½áõÙ ¿¦:

 

P.S. Don't get why it doesn't come across correctly.

 

[ February 25, 2003, 04:23 PM: Message edited by: MosJan ]

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Martin duvorqanove s havatum @endimutyan@ ??

yev vorqanov es kartsum jisjt e nerkayis gortsor naxagahin hanel yev poxarinel n@ran Papayi BAlayi het ???

 

yes dem em - vat te lav tor norist lini Robert@ - qanzi nor naxagahi haytnveluts heto vohmak 2 norits skselu e aryun tapel yev yerkir@ 2~3 tary het e mnalu ...

im karj xelqov esqan@.

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Movses,

 

You might have noticed that until lately, I have not spoken in favor of any of the candidates, even though some of them have been my personal friends and our friendship is pending at a good note. For more than 10 years, I have not interfered in the political process in Armenia. I would have not spoken even now, if not the outrageous climate that this regime has established lately (not that I have not been aware of their “bravery” before). I am outraged at the banditism that they have unleashed in Armenia. I know for sure who I don’t support.

 

Of all that candidates with name recognition, Demirchyan is the only one that I have never known personally – he has never been involved in politics. Under the current circumstances, I think it is a dividend. I gather that he has been dragged into politics by the supporters of his assassinated father, who I have never supported, either. So I don’t have a personal opinion of him. However, the people whose judgment and character I trust find him to be the best candidate on the field. They tell me he is a solid guy, well read and smart. And I am not standing up for him. I am standing up for my friends and against those who I strongly believe will destract Armenia further.

 

You call Demirchyan “papaya bala…” I think it doesn’t tell anything about him. He is not guilty to be the son of his father. That is not a crime.

 

When this crook came to power in 96, I was glad. I felt that it was time for change, even though after the victory in the war I was very happy with Der-Bedrosyan, while being adamantly opposed to him before. As the old saying goes, “the victor is not judged.” Der-Bedrosyan was a formidable intellectual and much more moral person than this one – as grave as some of his mistakes have been. It is Der-Bedrosyan’s

fault that Robik and Serjik (and their likes) are where they are today. They where the renegades from Karabagh at the time, not accepted and respected in Karabagh. Both where minor Communist Party functionaries without any weight in Karabagh. So they where looking for a function in Yerevan, and became members of HHSh to be part of the process. (Note that even now, they are neither respected nor loved in Karabagh – however, they have leverages). In a couple of words, Robik is the modern days Qach Nazar. As to Serjik, he was just a nerd who pretty much everyone could send to store to buy cigarettes, or as one has accurately put, lately, prior to 88 he was “serving tea to Kevorkov.” How tragic that today, such miserable figures would become the terrorizers of Armenia…

 

As to the new potential “groups of wolves’,” this concept is much misunderstood. They were always there and they will be there in the future, too. When the climate is appropriate, they come to the surface. Whomever is at the power, these packs change their hats and become part of them. One might say, then, it would happen again, as you also indicate. Well, yes, unless this time the people claim ownership of their country.

 

As you remember, a month or two ago I was totally pessimistic. I did not expect that the people will stand up for themselves. But they apparently did. No terror, no intimidation, no beating, no bribery, no snow, no storm stopped them. They rose up again – much like in 1988. But effective 1989-90, it went down – the people who they trusted cheated them. It lead to more than 12 years of nihilism in Armenia. Now, it seems that they have risen again to claim their country from the crooks. So, I am optimistic, again. Now, they have the experience of the last 12 years. Let’s hope that they have learned their lesson.

 

I don’t necessarily expect that Demirchyan will win in the elections due to the fraud that I anticipate = however it is very likely. But, no matter what, I know that this regime has life of maximum several months. They are cooked – history has its own logic.

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I agree with much of what you have said MJ. I think that anyone would be better than Kocharian. His administration is made up of all crooks. And while I am a strong proponent of privatization I completely disagree with the way he has privatized the country with giving many of the successful industries and businesses to family and friends.

 

quote:
Originally posted by MJ:

... But, no matter what, I know that this regime has life of maximum several months. They are cooked – history has its own logic.


WOW. Can you elaborate a bit.
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In Futile Pursuit of Armenia's Election Vermin

 

By Kim Iskyan

Election observers are the roach traps of democracy: They catch only the least clever of election fraudsters, while the rest of the pests burrow into the woodwork. During last week's presidential election in Armenia, it was the vermin who were calling the shots.

 

However, the people at the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the OSCE, who monitor elections in this part of the world, don't frame it in quite those terms for their volunteer observers. They inspire the hope that election observers are participating in development of the rule of law by exposing tears in the fragile fabric of democracy.

 

In a training session prior to the election, the OSCE warned observers to be wary of a variety of possible tricks, such as voters trying to obtain multiple ballots by taping different passport numbers inside their own passports, or by using falsified identification cards. Be suspicious, they said, if proxies or observers are prevented from peering through the transparent sides of the spanking-new ballot boxes -- oversized plastic storage bins, provided by international donors.

 

Armed with these tips, and an intimate knowledge of the minutiae of Armenian electoral laws, my observation partner and I set off into rural Armenia last Wednesday to boldly uphold democracy. We toured dilapidated schools and cultural centers that had been transformed into makeshift polling stations. We watched precinct officials check IDs, hand out ballots, and sit by ballot boxes. The peeling walls were adorned with posters -- also paid for by donor organizations -- instructing voters to mark their ballot with a "V."

 

Like an ambulance driver who wishes his fellow man well, but still relishes a good power saw accident once in a while, I was hungering for some sexy electoral transgressions. I wanted to witness thuggish men weighed down by gold chains buying votes with crisp Ben Franklins from the heated seats of their Mercedes. I hoped to catch a precinct chairman surreptitiously drawing smiley faces on ballots marked for opposition candidates, to render them invalid. I wanted to see blood on the ballot box.

 

But we witnessed nothing more than the equivalent of a scraped knee. Some polling stations didn't post sample ballots, and a few times more than one person crowded into a polling booth -- usually when a babushka needed help reading a ballot. Dark men dressed in dark clothing (that is much of the male population of Armenia) loitered outside polling stations -- but, after all, there wasn't much else to do on a public holiday.

 

Of course, only the cockroaches who have inhaled too much bug spray misbehave while election observers are, well, observing. Our arrival at a polling station was telegraphed well in advance. The monster white Chevy Blazer with diplomatic plates and OSCE signs in the front and back windows that carried us through rural Armenia had all the subtlety of a circus coming to town.

 

I later listened jealously to other observers who were fortunate enough to witness actual stuffed ballot boxes, or commission chairmen who didn't correctly unfold each ballot during the counting process. One observation group watched as a team of TV reporters was manhandled out of a polling station. For the most part, though, the cockroaches took their cue and exited stage left when observers entered the neighborhood.

 

The dirty secret of election monitoring is that it's far easier to manipulate vote counts farther up the ladder -- that is, by fudging a few figures when regional totals are tallied -- than through crude maneuverings at the local level. The slow cockroaches that make election observers feel important are most likely anxious freelancers eager to prove their mettle to the local party bosses. Why risk stuffing an extra few hundred votes here or there, when it's so much easier to use bad math later on in the process?

 

Indeed. "Armenian voting generally smooth, but vote count and overall process fall short in key respects," squawked the headline of the OSCE's early post-election press release. The incumbent president, Robert Kocharyan, missed winning an absolute majority by two-tenths of a percent.

 

In the days following the election, Armenian opposition parties held demonstrations in downtown Yerevan, attended by an estimated 1 percent of the country's population, to protest violations. Opposition members were rightfully upset at democracy being derailed, though that's not to say they would be any more angelic than the incumbent if given the chance. The president, meanwhile, was regrouping, and probably wishing that he hadn't been pressured into letting the election go into a second round.

 

There was never really any question that the election was going to be anything but dirty. Kocharyan leveraged all available public resources for his campaign, including using the defense minister -- one of the shadier characters in Armenian politics -- as his campaign manager.

 

Plant managers were instructed to encourage their underlings to vote for Kocharyan; doctors were ordered to cure their sick patients to ensure that they would be sufficiently hale to trek to the polls; and schools were closed so that teachers could take their pupils to Kocharyan rallies. In early February, the pro-presidential majority in the Armenian parliament boycotted regular sessions, so that they could not be used as a forum to attack the government. The country's main independent television station conveniently lost its license last year, so television coverage was heavily skewed toward Kocharyan. One study shows that 93 percent of public TV coverage of Kocharyan was positive or neutral, compared with approximately equal proportions of negative and positive coverage for the opposition -- when they made it onto the air at all.

 

After the vote, the Central Election Commission blamed the freshly fallen snow for illegal delays in announcing the final results of the election. It didn't explain, though, why results from outlying parts of Armenia were tabulated more quickly than those from downtown Yerevan.

 

Preliminary results showed Kocharyan's share of the vote hovering perilously close to the 50 percent level that would avert a second round runoff. Kocharyan had not disguised his desire to win in the first round, claiming that it would minimize the adverse effects on the Armenian economy -- thus putting the cart of saving some cash before the horse of democracy. Announcement of the final result was likely delayed as Kocharyan and Co. tried to gauge whether they could survive the uproar that would result if they declared victory outright.

 

Not that anyone cares. Armenia, after all, is home to less than 3 million people, and has a GDP equivalent to roughly one-tenth the market capitalization of Russian oil major Yukos. The country's noisy diaspora is more focused on granting humanitarian aid than on putting the groundwork in place for sustainable growth via bona fide democracy and investment. Last week's election represents just another victory for the pests in the CIS.

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Last Convulsions of the Moribund Administration

 

25.02.2003,

 

The opposition answered the results of voting, received by absolutely criminal ways, with a new wave of mass meetings and marches of protest. These were followed by nervous steps of the administration - arrest of numerous opposition activists and open threats to people. People were put under arrest under the pretence of tearing Robert Kocharian's slogans and attacking representatives of one of the electoral staffs of the present president. It's not out of place to mention here that one of the reasons of this attack was a number of cynical remarks concerning falsification of the election results, which were also accompanied with swearing. But the most interesting is the fact that most of the arrested are leaders of Stepan Demirchian's staff and several authorized representatives who have appeared to be rather active in their struggle against forgery. Moreover, there are people among the arrested who even haven't participated in the meetings and protest marches. So, it becomes clear that the main aim of the arrests is isolating heads of the staffs and the most efficient authorized representatives till the end of the elections. We should mention here, in order to formulate the administrative arrests legally, they have organized night lawsuits - calling judges after midnight and making them issuing corresponding verdicts, what is perhaps targeted at spreading fear. But the masterpiece among all these was Robert Kocharian's threatening speech on TV. Declaration of the mayor Robert Nazarian concerning illegality of meetings, marches and demonstrations was attached to it as well as TV threatening of Vice General Prefect Hovhannes Varian. Finally, all this was summed up with political declaration of the Board of Ministry of Defense in defense of Robert Kocharian and with bringing troops into Yerevan.

 

Particularly, the last one - interference of the minister of Defense to the elections - is nothing else but obvious involvement of the army into the internal political affairs of the country, which can hardly be appreciated by international community, and can wholly damage international credit of Armenia as well as its reputation. But reputation of the country is the last thing to interest criminal clan oligarchies headed by R. Kocharian and S. Sargsian.

 

These steps of the administration had opposite results, and on February 23 there were twice more people at the meeting than at previous ones. Speaking about the number of participants, the authorities represent 25 thousand people, Russian TV - nearly 60 thousand, Western mass media - more than 100 thousand, and those organizing the meeting speak of 200-300 participants. Without going into details, one should know that these meeting are not less crowded than those of 1988. There is similarity in people's mood as well: though the police closed the entrances to the city, people came to the meeting even on foot. As it was in 1988, social problems were ignored or at least regarded as secondary, while dignity was considered to be in the first place. Perhaps, the difference is that then people were fighting for territorial wholeness of their motherland, and today they demand guarantees for civil rights, first of all suffrage.

 

Behavior of the authorities, manners of preaching mechanisms is also the same: people listen to lies and threatening and nothing more. Even the vocabulary is the same. Unfortunately, "such wise" announcements agitating and getting on the nerves of people, discredit profession of journalist.

 

Activity of the meetings has another reason as well: meeting serve as an alternative source of information, they fill the gap provided by national TV that stands for and praises Kocharian alone. At the same time they act as a means of relaxation for people, means of "discharging" from negative emotions.

 

At present, there is a kind of "ceasefire" between the authorities and the opposition. The next meeting will take place on February 26, i.e. after the CEC makes the final results public. By the way, one of the main demands of the participants is publishing real results of the elections and punishing those who have forged the elections. It's clear that real votes of Kocharian couldn't surpass 250 thousand, then it's still a question whether he or Artashes Geghamian would have compete with Stepan Demirchian.

 

As for A. Geghamian, he still puts forward the issue of annulling the results of the first round and avoids supporting any of the candidates of the second round. Perhaps, head of the "National Unity" prefers neutrality, to be victorious, anyway. If the results are declared invalid, he'll be "in" again, if waves of meetings and international pressure make Kocharian resign his commissions till the Election Day, then Geghamian will compete with Demirchian on March 5.

 

At present, we face last convulsions of the moribund administration that acts without any logic. It claims again and again that the opposition has carried on forgery taken place during the elections. It's not excluded that the authorities will try to tense the situation in order to have a pretext to use force. But it'll be hard for them to keep their power in this way, as there is no state in the world that will stand for dictatorial regime.

 

As for the opposition coalition supporting Stepan Demirchian, it will start holding permanent meetings beginning from February 26 in order to keep voters rather active as well as to counteract the illegality of the authorities rather quickly and efficiently. By the way, western mass media points out, that it's the first case in the history of Caucasus and Middle Asia, after the collapse of the USSR, when the functioning president doesn't succeed in his victory in the first round of the elections.

 

http://www.iravunk.com/eng/2003/02/p1301.html

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вڲêî²ÜàôØ ²Úêúð êîºÔÌì²Ì ¾ ü²ÞÆêî²Î²Ü ÊàôÜî²

25.02.2003

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ºñÏñÇ ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý ÏáõñëÁ, »ñÏñÇ ûñ»Ýë¹ñ³Ï³Ý ¹³ßïÁ Ó»õ³íáñíáõÙ ¿ÇÝ èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇ •É˳íáñáõÃÛ³Ùµ •áñÍáÕ ËáõÝï³ÛÇ ³½¹»óáõÃÛ³Ý ï³Ï: ܳËÁÝïñ³Ï³Ý ßñç³Ýáõ٠ϳï³ñíáÕ ëå³éݳÉÇùÝ»ñÁ, µéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, Í»ÍÝ áõ ³Ù»Ý³Í³Ýñ ³ÛÉ Ñ³Ýó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ѳݕ»óñÇÝ Ýñ³Ý, áñ »ñÏñÇ å³ï•³Ù³íáñÇ ¹»Ù ϳï³ñí»ó µ³ó³Ñ³Ûï ٳѳ÷áñÓ: àëïÇϳÝáõÃÛ³ÝÁ Ññ³Ù³Ý ¿ñ ïñí³Í ã˳éÝí»É, µÅÇßÏÝ»ñÇÝ Ññ³Ù³Ûí³Í ¿ñ ãû•Ý»É, ³ÛÝ ¿ª ËݹÇñ ¿ñ ¹ñí³Í áõÕÕ³ÏÇ ëå³Ý»É ûñ»Ýë¹ñÇÝ, áñå»ë½Ç áÕç ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á ѳëϳݳ. »Ã» å³ï•³Ù³íáñÇÝ Ï³ñáÕ »Ý ëå³Ý»É, ³å³ ó³Ýϳó³Í Ù³ñ¹áõ ϳñáÕ »Ý ëå³Ý»É, ϳ˻É, Ëáßï³Ý•»É, ³Ý»É ³ÛÝ, ÇÝã Ïó³Ýϳݳ ùñ»³Ï³Ý ï³ññÁ èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇ •É˳íáñáõÃÛ³Ùµ: ºë ѳÛï³ñ³ñáõÙ »Ù. èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ ³ÝÓ³Ùµ ¿ å³ï³ë˳ݳïáõ ÇÙ ¹»Ù ϳï³ñí³Í ٳѳ÷áñÓÁ ϳ½Ù³Ï»ñå»Éáõ ѳٳñ:

 

гÛï³ñ³ñáõÙ »Ù ݳ»õ, íï³Ý•í³Í ¿ Áݹ¹ÇÙáõÃÛ³Ý Õ»Ï³í³ñÝ»ñÇ ÏÛ³ÝùÁ, Ýñ³Ýó ÁÝï³ÝÇùÝ»ñÇ ³å³ÑáíáõÃÛáõÝÁ: г۳ëï³ÝáõÙ ³Ûëûñ ëï»ÕÍí³Í ¿ ý³ßÇëï³Ï³Ý ËáõÝï³, »õ Ù»Ýù å»ïù ¿ ÷áñÓ»Ýù ³½³ï³•ñí»É ûÏáõå³óÇáÝ ³ÛÝ é»ÅÇÙÇó, áñÝ ³å³ÑáíáõÙ ¿ ùñ»³Ï³Ý ï³ññ»ñÇ Ëñ³Ë׳ÝùÁ:

 

ö»ïñí³ñÇ 19-ÇÝ ï»ÕÇ áõÝ»ó³ÍÝ ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝ ã¿ñ, áõ »ñµ ³ëáõÙ »Ý 2-ñ¹ ÷áõÉ, ѳñó³¹ñáõÙ »Ù. á±ñ •áñÍÁÝóóÇ 2-ñ¹ ÷áõÉ: ²é³çÇÝÝ Ç±Ýã ¿ñ, ÁÝïñáõÃÛá±õÝ ¿ñ, áñ ÑÇÙ³ ¿É 2-ñ¹Á ÉÇÝÇ: ºñÏñáñ¹ ÷áõÉ ãÇ Ï³ñáÕ ÉÇÝ»É: ²é³çÇÝÁ å»ïù ¿ ѳÛï³ñ³ñ»É ã»ÕÛ³É, µ³ÝïáõÙ å»ïù ¿ ѳÛïÝí»Ý ³ÛÝ Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ, áíù»ñ ϳï³ñ»É »Ý ѳÝó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ: øáã³ñÛ³ÝÁ ÷ã³óñ»ó »õ ѳÝó³•áñÍ ¹³ñÓñ»ó ï³ëÝÛ³Ï Ñ³½³ñ³íáñ Ù³ñ¹Ï³Ýó, áñáÝù ѳí³ë³ñí»óÇÝ ÏÍ³Ý ÙÇ߳ݻñÇÝ, ãáõ•áõÝ ã•Çï»Ù ÇÝã»ñÇÝ, ÙÏÝ»ñÇÝ, ³éÝ»ïÝ»ñÇÝ »õ ³ÛÉ ÏñÍáÕÝ»ñÇÝ: ²Ûëûñ Ù»Ýù å»ïù ¿ å³Ñ³Ýç»Ýù. ³) ã»ÕÛ³É Ñ³Ûï³ñ³ñ»É ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, µ) ùñ»³Ï³Ý å³ï³ë˳ݳïíáõÃÛ³Ý »ÝóñÏ»É µáÉáñ Ýñ³Ýó, áíù»ñ ϳï³ñ»É »Ý ³Û¹ ѳÝó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝÁ, •) ¹Ý»É èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇ Ñ³ñóÁ áñå»ë Çß˳ÝáõÃÛ³Ý áõ½áõñå³ódzÛÇ ÷áñÓ Ï³ï³ñ³Í Ù³ñ¹áõ: ²Ûë ³Ù»ÝÇó Ñ»ïá ÙdzÛÝ Ï³ñáÕ »Ýù Ëáë»É Ýáñ ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ ³ÝóϳóÝ»Éáõ Ù³ëÇÝ:

 

ÂÔÂ. -Ò»ñ Ó»õ³Ï»ñåáõÙÝ»ñÁ ëïÇåáõÙ »Ý »½ñ³Ï³óÝ»É ³Ûëå»ë. èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ, ³ãùÇ ³é³ç áõݻݳÉáí Ãáõñùٻݵ³ßáõ ûñÇݳÏÁ, Ù»ñ •ÉËÇÝ ÷áñÓáõÙ ¿ ¹³éÝ³É §³ñٻݵ³ßǦ:

 

زÜàôÎ ²êä²ðÚ²Ü -§²ñٻݵ³ßǦ ã¿... §é³¹¹ ù³ßǦ...

 

Ð. ´. -²ñ¹»Ý áõÝ»Ýù ³Û¹ §³ñٻݵ³ßÇݦ: Üñ³ ϳï³ñ³Í ù³ÛÉ»ñÁ ý³ßǽÙÇ, ï»éáñÇ ¹ñë»õáñáõÙÝ»ñ »Ý: лï»õ³µ³ñ Ù»Ýù å»ïù ¿ ϳñáճݳÝù ëï»ÕÍ»É Ñ³Ù³å³ï³ëË³Ý å³ÛÙ³ÝÝ»ñ, Ýáñ ³ÝóϳóÝ»É ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ »õ áã û ÝáñÇó •Ý³É Ïéí»É ѳÝó³•áñÍÝ»ñÇ µ³Ý¹³Ý»ñÇ Ñ»ï: γñáÕ »Ýù, ÇѳñÏ», •ݳÉ, µ³Ûó ¹ñ³ ³ÝáõÝÝ ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝ ãÇ ÉÇÝÇ, ³ÛÉ å³Ûù³ñ ûÏáõå³óÇáÝ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ »õ ËáõÝï³ÛÇ ¹»Ù:

 

ê²Ü²îðàôÎ ê²Ð²ÎÚ²Ü -ö»ïñí³ñÇ 19-ÇÝ ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ, áñå»ë ³Û¹åÇëÇù, ã»Ý »Õ»É: ºÃ» ùí»³ïáõ÷áõÙ Ï»ÕÍ ùí»³Ã»ñÃÇÏÝ»ñÇ ÃÇíÁ •»ñ³½³ÝóáõÙ ¿ Çñ³Ï³Ýª í³í»ñ ùí»³Ã»ñÃÇÏÝ»ñÇ ÃíÇÝ, ³å³ ³Û¹ •áñÍÁÝóóÁ áã û ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝ ¿, ³ÛÉ µéÝáõÃÛáõÝ: ö»ïñí³ñÇ 19-ÇÝ Ð³Û³ëï³ÝáõÙ ï»ÕÇ áõÝ»ó³í µéÝáõÃÛáõÝ: èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ Çñ ËáõÝï³Ûáí í³Õáõó ¿ Ñ³ëϳó»É, áñ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç Ñ»ï ÁݹѳÝáõñ áãÇÝã ãáõÝÇ, áñ Ù»ñÅí³Í ¿ ѳë³ñ³ÏáõÃÛ³Ý ÏáÕÙÇó, ÇÝãÁ èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇ áõ Ýñ³ ßñç³å³ïÇ í³ñ³Í ѳϳÅáÕáíñ¹³Ï³Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý ³ñ¹ÛáõÝù ¿:

 

гëϳݳÉáí, áñ Çñ»Ýù Ù»ñÅí³Í »Ý áõ ³ïí³Í, í³Õáõó ¿ÇÝ ëÏë»É Çñ»Ýó ݳËÁÝïñ³Ï³Ý ù³ñá½³ñß³íÁ, ÇÝãÝ ³ñï³Ñ³Ûïí»É ¿ µáÉáñ µÝ³•³í³éÝ»ñáõÙ: ´»ñ»Ù ÙÇ ù³ÝÇ ûñÇݳÏÝ»ñ. µéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ Éñ³ïí³ÙÇçáóÝ»ñÇ (§²1+¦, §ÜáÛÛ³Ý ï³å³Ý¦) Ýϳïٳٵ, ѳñÓ³ÏáõÙÝ»ñ Ïáõë³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ íñ³, ³ñ¹ÛáõÝùáõÙ ¹ñ³Ýó å³é³ÏïáõÙ: àõ ³Ûëûñ ³Ý³Ùáóµ³ñ ѳÛï³ñ³ñáõÙ »Ý, û ÙdzëÝ³Ï³Ý Ã»ÏݳÍáõÝ èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ ¿: ÜϳïÇ áõÝ»Ý ³ÛÝ, áñ Çñ»Ýó ÏáÕùÇÝ Ñ³ÛïÝí»É »Ý áñáß Ïáõë³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ÷ßñ³ÝùÝ»ñÁ, ù³ÝÇ áñ å³é³Ïïí³Í ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý áõÅ»ñÇ ¹³í³×³ÝÝ»ñÝ Çñ»Ýó ÏáÕùÇÝ »Ý »õ ïå³íáñáõÃÛáõÝ »Ý ëï»ÕÍáõÙ:

 

ÀÝïñáõÃÛ³Ý Ù³ëÇÝ ûñ»ÝùÇ Ù»ç ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ »õë ϳï³ñí»óÇÝ Ç ß³Ñ áõ½áõñå³ïáñǪ øáã³ñÛ³ÝÇ: ò³í³ÉÇ ¿, µ³Ûó å»ïù ¿ Ýß»Ù, áñ ³Û¹ ÷á÷áËáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇó ³Ù»Ý³³ñ¹Ûáõݳí»ïÁ (ËáõÝï³ÛÇ Ñ³Ù³ñ) ³ÛÝ ¿ñ, áñ ѳÝÓݳÅáÕáíÇ ³Ý¹³ÙÝ»ñÝ ³ÝÓ»éÝÙË»ÉÇáõÃÛ³Ý Çñ³íáõÝù ëï³ó³Ý, ÇÝãÝ ¿É å³ÛÙ³ÝÝ»ñ ëï»ÕÍ»ó, áñ ³Ûë ϳ٠³ÛÝ Ïáõë³ÏóáõÃÛ³Ý Ý»ñϳ۳óñ³Í ³Ý¹³ÙÇÝ Ï³ß³é»Ý, ³Ñ³µ»Ï»Ý áõ ëïÇå»Ý ϳï³ñ»É Çñ»Ýó ϳÙùÁ, ÇëÏ Ïáõë³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ãϳñáÕ³Ý³Ý Ñ»ï ϳÝã»É ïíÛ³É ³ÝÓ³Ýó áõ ÷á˳ñÇÝ»É ³í»ÉÇ ³½ÝÇí, ³Ýϳ߳é áõ ѳٳñÓ³Ï ³Ý¹³ÙÝ»ñáí: ö»ïñí³ñÇ 19-ÇÝ Ýå³ëï»ó ݳ»õ ³ÛÝ ³Ýå³ïÅ»ÉÇáõÃÛ³Ý ÙÃÝáÉáñïÁ, áñÁ ïÇñáõÙ ¿ Ù»ñ ѳÝñ³å»ïáõÃÛáõÝáõÙ: ä»ïù ¿ ÑÇß»Ýù, áñ ³Ûë ï³ñÇÝ»ñÇ ÁÝóóùáõÙ áã ÙÇ ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝ, áã ÙÇ Ñ³Ýó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ ãÇ ëï³ó»É Çñ ³ñųÝÇ •ݳѳï³Ï³ÝÁ: ºÃ» áãÇÝã ã³ë»Ýù, ³å³ ³ÛÝ ÷³ëïÁ ÙdzÛÝ, áñ ÑáÏï»Ùµ»ñÇ 27-Ç ¹³ï³í³ñáõÃÛáõÝÁ í»ñ³Íí»É ¿ ɳïÇݳٻñÇÏÛ³Ý ë»ñdzÉÇ Ï³Ù §ê³Ýï³ ´³ñµ³ñ³ÛǦ, µ³í³Ï³Ý ¿ ѳٳå³ï³ëË³Ý Ñ»ï»õáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ ³Ý»Éáõ ѳٳñ: ²Ûëûñ Çñ³Ï³Ý ѳÝó³•áñÍÝ»ñÝ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛ³Ý •ÉáõË »Ý ϳݕݳÍ, ÇëÏ ³½ÝÇí Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ ¹³éÝáõÙ »Ý åáï»ÝóÇ³É Ñ³Ýó³•áñÍÝ»ñ ³Û¹ ÝáõÛÝ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ í³ñ³Í ѳÝó³•áñÍ ù³Õ³ù³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³Ý å³ï׳éáí: â»Ù ѳëϳÝáõÙ, Çñ»Ýù ã»±Ý ³Ù³ãáõÙ, »ñµ §02¦-áí óáõÛó »Ý ï³ÉÇë, û ³Ûë »ñÇï³ë³ñ¹ÇÝ Ï³Ù ³ÛÝ Í»ñáõÝáõÝ å³Ñ³Íá Ï³Ù Ñ³í •áճݳÉáõ ѳٳñ »Ý ¹³ï³å³ñï»É áõ å³ïÅ»É:

 

Æß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ ãí»ñ³ñï³¹ñí»Éáõ í³ËÁ »õ ÑÇëï»ñÇ³Ý Ýñ³Ýó ³í»ÉÇ •³½³½³óñ»ó áõ ëïÇå»ó ¹ÇÙ»É ³Ù»Ý³Í³Ûñ³Ñ»Õ ÉÏïÇ ù³ÛÉ»ñÇÝ, áñå»ë½Ç å³ñï³¹ñ»Ý Çñ»Ýó §Ñ³ÕóݳÏÁ¦, Ù»ñ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç í½ÇÝ ÷³Ã³Ã»Ý Çñ»Ýó ãϳ۳ó³Í ÁÝïñáõÃÛáõÝÁ:

 

ÂÔÂ. -ÆëÏ Ç±Ýã ϳë»ù Ù»½ Ù³ïáõóíáÕ ³ñ¹ÛáõÝùÝ»ñÇ Ù³ëÇÝ:

 

ê. ê. -Ø»ñÅáõÙ »Ýù, ÙdzÝ߳ݳÏ: ÈåÇñßáõÃÛáõÝ ¿ Ëáë»É ÇÝã-áñ ³ñ¹ÛáõÝùÝ»ñÇó, »ñµ Ï»ÕÍ ùí»³Ã»ñÃÇÏÝ»ñÁ ÙÇ ù³ÝÇ ³Ý•³Ù •»ñ³½³ÝóáõÙ »Ý Çñ³Ï³Ý ûñÃÇÏÝ»ñÇÝ: ²Û¹ Ï»ÕÍ Ñ³Ûï³ñ³ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÝ ¿É Ñ»Ýó ëïÇå»óÇÝ, áñ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á µ³ñÓñ³óÝÇ Çñ Ó³ÛÝÁ: Ø»ñ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Ý ³ñųݳå³ïíáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝÇ »õ ³ÛÉ»õë ãÇ áõ½áõ٠ѳٳϻñåí»É ³ÛÝ ÙïùÇ Ñ»ï, áñ ϳñáÕ »Ý áïݳѳñ»É ³Û¹ ³ñųݳå³ïíáõÃÛáõÝÁ, ëïáñ³óÝ»É Çñ»Ý áõ ³Û¹ ³ëïÇ×³Ý ëïñϳóÝ»É: Æ í»ñçá, ó³Ýϳó³Í Ù³ñ¹áõ Ù»ç ¿É ËáëáõÙ ¿ íñ»ÅÇ ½•³óáõÙÁ: ºí »ë å»ïù ¿ ÑÇ߻٠ѳÛïÝÇ Ëáëù»ñÁ. §ìñ»Å »õ ÷áËѳïáõóáõÙ µáÉáñ Ýñ³ÝóÇó, áíù»ñ Ù»½ ×Ýᯐ »Ý, íñ»Å »õ ÷áËѳïáõóáõÙ µáÉáñ Ýñ³ÝóÇó, áíù»ñ Ù»½ ëïáñ³óñ»É »Ý, íñ»Å »õ ÷áËѳïáõóáõÙ µáÉáñ Ýñ³ÝóÇó, áíù»ñ Ù»½ ¹³í³×³Ý»É »Ý¦: ²Û¹ µáÉáñ ëïáñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÝ ¿É ³Ûëûñí³ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ ϳï³ñ»É »Ý Ù»ñ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç Ýϳïٳٵ: àõ ³ÛÅÙ, ³Ûá¯, íñ»ÅÇ ó³ëáõÙÝ ¿ ËáëáõÙ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç Ù»ç, áñÁ áïùÇ ¿ ϳݕݻÉ: àõ ³Ûë ³Ý•³Ù ÅáÕáíñ¹ÇÝÝ ¿ ѳÕóݳÏÁ: ÆÝã ͳÛñ³Ñ»Õ ù³ÛÉÇ ¿É ¹ÇÙ»Ý Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, ÙÇ»õÝáõÛÝ ¿, ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Ý ³ñ¹»Ý ѳÕÃ»É ¿, å»ïù ¿ ï»ñ ϳݕÝÇ Çñ ѳÕóݳÏÇÝ áõ ³Ùñ³•ñÇ ³ÛÝ: àõ »ë ѳí³ïáõÙ »Ù Ù»ñ ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç í×é³Ï³ÝáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, Ýñ³ ÙÇÝã»õ í»ñç •Ý³Éáõ áõ Çñ ѳÕóݳÏÁ å³Ñå³Ý»Éáõ ѳëï³ï³Ï³ÙáõÃÛ³ÝÁ:

 

زÜàôÎ ²êä²ðÚ²Ü -γï³ñí»ó ³ÛÝ, áñ ùñ»³ÏɳݳÛÇÝ Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÁ, áñÁ ջϳí³ñáõÙ »Ý èáµ»ñï øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ áõ ê»ñÅ ê³ñ•ëÛ³ÝÁ, µéݳµ³ñáõÃÛ³Ý ³Ù»Ý³ë³ñë³÷»ÉÇ Ó»õÁ ÏÇñ³é»ó ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç Ýϳïٳٵ: »ïÇÝÁ å»ïù ¿ ÙïÝÇ »ñÏñÇ Ý³Ë³•³ÑÝ ³ÛÝ µ³ÝÇó Ñ»ïá, »ñµ ÅáÕáíñ¹ÇÝ ³ë³ó, ûª §Ñáõ÷ »Ù ï³Éáõ ÙÇÝã»õ í»ñç¦: ²Û¹åÇëÇ Ù³ñ¹Ý ³ÛÉ»õë Çñ³íáõÝù ãå»ïù ¿ áõݻݳñ ÷áÕáó ¹áõñë •³É: ²Û¹ µ³é»ñÝ ³ñï³Ñ³Ûï»Éáõó Ñ»ïá ݳ å»ïù ¿ Ññ³Å³ñ³Ï³Ý ï³ñ:

 

ºÃ» Ëáë»Ýù Ï»ÕÍÇùÝ»ñÇó, ³å³ å»ïù ¿ ³ë»Ù. ³Ûë ³Ý•³Ù áã û §Ï³ñáõë»Éݦ ¿ñ •áñÍáõÙ, ³ÛÉ ³ÛÝ, áñ ѳÝÓݳÅáÕáíÝ»ñÇ Ý³Ë³•³ÑÝ»ñÇÝ ÷áÕÁ ïí»É ¿ÇÝ áõ ëïÇå»É, áñ Ýñ³Ýù ݳËûñáù ÏÝù»Ý ѳñÛáõñ³íáñ ùí»³Ã»ñÃÇÏÝ»ñ áõ ¹áõñë ѳݻÝ, áñáÝù Ñ»ïá ³ñ³•áõÃÛ³Ùµ áõÕ³ñÏí»óÇÝ ÁÝïñ³ï»Õ³Ù³ë»ñ: ºÃ» 2-ñ¹ ÷áõÉ Ï³Û³Ý³, »Ã» ϳñáճݳÝù ÃáõÛÉ ãï³É, áñ ³í»Éáñ¹ ùí»³Ã»ñÃÇÏÝ»ñ •ó»Ý áõ ³í»Éáñ¹ Ù³ñ¹ÇÏ ùí»³ñÏ»Ý, ³å³ »ñ³ß˳íáñáõÙ »Ù, áñ Ù³ñïÇ 5-ÇÝ áã û 1 ÙÇÉÇáÝ 450 ѳ½³ñ Ù³ñ¹ ÏÙ³ëݳÏóÇ ùí»³ñÏáõÃÛ³ÝÁ, ³ÛÉ É³í³•áõÛÝ ¹»åùáõÙª 1 ÙÇÉÇáÝ 100 ѳ½³ñ: г۳ëï³ÝáõÙ ³Û¹ù³ÝÇó ³í»É Ù³ñ¹ ùí»³ñÏáõÃÛ³Ý ãÇ •³: ²ÛÝ ÃÇíÁª 707 ѳ½³ñ, áñÁ ѳÛï³ñ³ñ»ó ê»ñÅ ê³ñ•ëÛ³ÝÁ, ѳí³Ý³µ³ñ í»ñóñ»É ¿ Çñ »Õµáñ Ù»ù»Ý³ÛÇ íñ³ÛÇó: Üñ³ »Õµáñ Ù»ù»Ý³ÛÇ Ñ³Ù³ñÝ ¿ª 707: âÇ Ï³ñ»ÉÇ µéÝ³Ý³É ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç ϳÙùÇ íñ³, Ñ»ïá ¿É Ñ³Ûï³ñ³ñ»É, û ѳÕûÉáõ »Ù: ¸áõùª å³ñáݳÛù øáã³ñÛ³Ý áõ ê»ñÅ ê³ñ•ëÛ³Ý, ÙÇ µéݳó»ù ÅáÕáíñ¹Ç ϳÙùÇ íñ³, áñáíÑ»ï»õ ѻﳕ³ÛáõÙ å³ï³ëË³Ý »ù ï³Éáõ: ¸áõù ³Ûë å³ÑÇÝ å»ï³Ï³Ý ѳÝó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ »ù ÃáõÛÉ ï³ÉÇë, »õ Ó»ñ Ýϳïٳٵ ³Ù»Ý³ËÇëï å³ïÇÅÁ å»ïù ¿ ÏÇñ³éíÇ ½»Õͳñ³ñáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ •É˳íáñ»Éáõ ѳٳñ: ÐÇÙ³ »ë Ó»½ ËáñÑáõñ¹ Ïï³Ù, ³ñ³• ϳñ•áí Ññ³Å³ñ³Ï³Ý ïí»ù, »õ ÃáÕ 2-ñ¹ ÷áõÉÁ ϳ۳ݳ Ó»ñ ÇëÏ Ýϳñ³Í Ãí»ñáí 2-ñ¹ »õ 3-ñ¹ ï»Õ»ñÁ •ñ³í³Í ûÏݳÍáõÝ»ñÇ ÙÇç»õ: ÂáÕ ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á ϳñáճݳ Çëϳå»ë ÁÝïñ»É »ñÏñÇ Ý³Ë³•³ÑÇÝ:

 

ä³ñáÝ øáã³ñÛ³Ý, Ùï»ù µ³ñáÛ³Ï³Ý Ï»ñå³ñÇ Ù»ç áõ Ññ³Å³ñ³Ï³Ý ïí»ù: ÄáÕáíáõñ¹Á Ù»Õù ¿, Ýñ³Ý ï³Ýç³Ù³Ñ ÙÇ ³ñ»ù: ØÇ»õÝáõÛÝ ¿, ¸áõù å³ñïí³Í »ù: àñù³Ý ¿É ß³ñáõݳϻù Ï»ÕÍÇùÝ»ñÁ, áñù³Ý ¿É ÷»ïñí³ñÇ 21-Ç •Çß»ñí³ ûñÇݳÏáí ѳí³ù»ù óճå»ï»ñÇÝ, ù³Õ³ù³å»ï»ñÇÝ, ßï³µÇ å»ï»ñÇÝ áõ ³Ñ³µ»Ï»ù, ûª í»ñçÝ³Ï³Ý Ñ³ÕóݳÏÁ ï³ñ³Í ¿, ÇÝãÁ å»ïù ¿ ³ñӳݳ•ñ»Ýù Ù³ñïÇ 5-ÇÝ, ÙÇ»õÝáõÛÝ ¿, ã»ù ѳÕûÉáõ, »Ã» ³Ý•³Ù ³ñӳݳ•ñ»ù ³ÛÝ ÝáõÛÝ µéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, ÇÝã ³é³çÇÝ ÷áõÉáõÙ: ¼•áõß³óÝáõÙ »Ùª í³ï »ù í»ñç³óÝ»Éáõ: ÐÇÙ³ Ïï³Ù ÙÇ 2-3 Ù³Ýñ å×»Õ³íáñÝ»ñÇ ³ÝáõÝÝ»ñ, áñáÝù 2-ñ¹ ÷áõÉáõÙ ÃáÕ Ùï³Í»Ý Çñ»Ýó ÁÝï³ÝÇùÝ»ñÇ Ù³ëÇÝ. ²ËáõñÛ³ÝÇ áÙÝ ÙÇÉå»ï Þ³Ë, áñÝ ³Ñ³µ»Ï»É ¿ ÅáÕáíñ¹ÇÝ: àÙÝ ÉÏïÇ Ù³Ûáñ (³ÝáõÝÁ ëïáõÛ• ã»Ù ÑÇßáõÙ) ø³Ý³ù»é-¼»ÛÃáõÝáõÙ, áñÇ ³ãùÇ ³éç»õ áõ ÃáÕïíáõÃÛ³Ùµ ï»Õ³Ù³ëáõÙ ³Ûɳݹ³ÏáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ »Ý ϳï³ñí»É: àñ ³ëáõÙ »Ý, û ûñ•³ÝÁ ãÇ Ë³éÝíáõÙ, ëáõï ¿: àëïÇϳÝÝ»ñÁ µ³ó³Ñ³Ûï »Ý Ë³éÝíáõÙ µáÉáñ ï»Õ³Ù³ë»ñáõÙ:

 

²ÛÝ ³Ù»ÝÁ, ÇÝã ³ñ»É »Ý Çß˳ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÁ, µ³ó³Ñ³Ûï ÏñÇÙÇÝ³É ¿, í»ñçÇÝ ³ëïÇ׳ÝÇ å»ï³Ï³Ý ѳÝó³•áñÍáõÃÛáõÝ, »õ áõß-ßáõï å³ï³ëË³Ý »Ý ï³Éáõ ³Ù»Ý³ÛÝ ËëïáõÃÛ³Ùµ: ÂáÕ Ùï³Í»Ý, áñ ÁÝï³ÝÇù áõÝ»Ý, »ñ»Ë³Ý»ñ: ê³ ³Ñ³µ»ÏáõÙ ã¿, ù³ÝÇ áñ ³Ñ³µ»ÏáÕÝ Çñ»Ýù »Ý: ö»ïñí³ñÇ 21-Çݪ ѳÝñ³Ñ³í³ùÇó Ñ»ïá, 35-40 Ù³ñ¹ ÝáñÇó Ó»ñµ³Ï³É»É »Ýª ÅáÕáíñ¹ÇÝ ³Ñ³µ»Ï»Éáõ ѳٳñ: ÆëÏ 2-3 å³ï•³Ù³íáñÇ Í»Í»Éáí ï³ñ»É »Ý Ü µ³ÅÇÝÝ»ñ: ÆÝã ¿, ³ß˳ñÑÇ í»±ñçÝ ¿, ã»Ù ѳëϳÝáõÙ: лï»õáõÃÛáõÝÝ ³Ûë ¿. øáã³ñÛ³ÝÝ áõ ê»ñÅ ê³ñ•ëÛ³ÝÁ ³Ýå³ÛÙ³Ý Ù»Õë³ÏóáõÃÛáõÝ áõÝ»Ý ù³Õ³ù³Ï³Ý 20-25 ëå³ÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñÇ Ù»ç: ÆÝãá±õ: àñáíÑ»ï»õ µéÝáõÃÛáõÝÝ»ñ »Ý ϳï³ñíáõÙ ³ÝÓ»éÝÙË»ÉÇ ³ÝÓ³Ýóª å³ï•³Ù³íáñÝ»ñÇ Ýϳïٳٵ, ÇëÏ Ýñ³Ýù ÉéáõÙ »Ý: ä³ñ½ 㿱, áñ ÙdzëÇÝ »Ý •áñÍáõÙ, ѳٳ•áñͳÏóí³Í: Îáã »Ù ³ÝáõÙ µáÉáñÇÝ, Ù³ñïÇ 5-ÇÝ ½»ñÍ Ùݳó»ù Ï»ÕÍÇùÝ»ñÇó, Ùï³Í»ù Ó»ñ ³å³•³ÛÇ Ù³ëÇÝ: ÆÝã ¿É ³Ý»ù, å³ñáݳÛù, ÅáÕáíáõñ¹Á ѳÕÃ»É ¿, Ëáѻ٠»Õ»ù áõ ÙÇ ¹ÇÙ»ù Ï»ÕÍÇùÝ»ñÇ, ë³¹ñ³ÝùÝ»ñÇ:

¼ñáõÛóÁª öÆðàô¼² ØºÈÆøêºÂÚ²ÜÆ

 

http://www.iravunk.com/arm/2003/02/m1301.html

 

[ February 28, 2003, 06:50 AM: Message edited by: MJ ]

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