Turkey's Jewish Lobby

[A.R.]

Turkey's Jewish Lobby

In 1986 a 13-member delegation from the American Jewish Congress visited Ankara, ostensibly on the invitation of Istanbul's Chief Rabbi. On their return, AJC president and delegation leader Theodore Mann prepared a letter (August 15,1986) that fell into the hands of Armenians sparking a major controversy. Affirming the strength of Israel-Turkey ties, Mann explained the reasons for the group's visit: "The US. Congress, pressured as it is by Greek Americans, and by Armenian Americans as well, who claim that their ancestors were victims of a holocaust in 1915 at the hands of the Turks, has not been as appreciative of Turkey’s geopolitical importance as it should be. Turkey’s leadership shares what is becoming the conventional view that American Jews are extremely powerful. (I need hardly note that such extravagant notions of Jewish power give me great con-cern.) Our invitation was one step by which the Turkish government hopes to begin to impact upon American public opin-ion...Turkey’s leadership is deeply concerned that its reputation in the human rights field has been wrongly tarnished, and that this impacts negatively on European and American political figures, diminishing its chances of acceptance in the European Economic Community and of increased American aid...That is probably why the Turkish Minister of State with whom we met committed to us, in the presence of the leadership of the Jewish Community and of the American Ambassador to Turkey, that Turkey would undertake a major celebration in 1992 of the 500th anniversary of the humane reception accorded by the Otto-man Empire to the Jews expelled from Spain and Portugal at the height of the Inquisition. This is regarded as a matter of con-siderable importance to the Turkish Jewish community and, indeed, could become an event of considerable importance in the Jewish world generally. We advised the Minister of State that the American Jewish Congress... would certainly advise the Jewish community throughout the United States and, to the extent possible, the general community of the substantial im-provement in human rights within Turkey over the past few years, of the secure life that Turkish Jews continue to live, of the improving relation ships between Turkey and Israel, and of the importance that we place in a strong and durable relationship between the United States and Turkey."

Here's the text that caused the controversy with the Armenians: "For the same reason - their concern that Turkey's human rights reputation has been wrongly tarnished - Armenian allegations of a holocaust are a matter of the greatest sensitivity to the Turks. You may be interested in reading a major statement on the subject by a number of eminent historians and scholars. But even though so many serious scholars cast doubt on the allegations, I will not comment, even in this personal letter, about the merits of the Armenian charge. It is not for the American Jewish community to deny someone else's claim to a holo-caust...In the weeks ahead, we will be considering what further steps might be taken to enhance the relationships between the United States and Turkey, and between Turkey and Israel."

"what ever happened between the Turks and Armenians is not our business " member of the Istanbul Jewish community.

The Armenian National Committee called the Mann letter "a whitewash of Turkey's role in the Genocide." Phil Baum, AJC's Associate Director insisted that the letter was private. But the flurry of protests by concerned Congressmen and other public figures prompted an apology from Mann. "There is not room for doubt on the massacre of unimaginable magnitude that was one of this century's great tragedies," he wrote. (Azbarez 11.86)

Ironically, a year later, when Pope Paul II allowed Austrian President Kurt Waldheim a Vatican audience, the American Jew-ish Congress bought a full page in the New York Tims to publicly condemn his lack of "sensitivity" to Jewish feelings. The AJC stressed that "the most sacred command of our generation is memory, not to forget how silence became indifference, in-difference became complicity, and finally turned into a nightmare of slaughter...Kurt Waldheim represents the antithesis of memory. He is the ultimate symbol of denial and evasion." Nor was the leader of the Catholic faith spared the AJC's moral sword: "How is one to explain so profound an insensitivity to the meaning of the Holocaust, so painful a failure of the moral imagination, by the custodian of the Catholic conscience...Isn't it true that along with so much of the rest of the world, the of-ficial churches were largely silent and abandoned the Jews to their agony? And if the church, to which millions look for moral guidance, cannot yet come to terms with its past, if it cannot respond to the demands of sacred memory, what hope is there for others?" The letter was signed by none other than Theodore R. Mann, President of the American Jewish Congress. (NYT 6.26.87)

Barely three weeks after Mann wrote his controversial letter, 21 Jews were massacred in an Istanbul synagogue, including 7 rabbis. Arab terrorists were blamed. (NYT 9.7.86) But clearly there was much to suggest that the perpetrators were not Ar-abs. Held three days later, the funeral was attended by Interior Minister Akbulut. President Ozal, Evren and the armed forces kept their distance and sent wreaths instead. The Mufti of Istanbul was noticeably absent. The only prominent Israeli present was Israel's Chief Rabbi. Ankara made it clear that a cabinet minister would "not be welcome." (NYT 9.11.86) A subsequent report on the reopening of the synagogue quoted the congregation's president as saying, "I think the investigation is probably closed without a solution." (NYT 5.21.87)

In 1988 President Ozal visited the U.S. and met with leaders of the American Jewish Congress in New York. Months later, another AJC delegation was dispatched to Istanbul. According to the Turkish daily, Cumhunyet (2.18.89) they were scheduled to meet with Foreign Minister Mesut Yilmaz, U.S. Ambassador Strauss-Hope, and U.S. Consul T. Carolan for briefings on Turkish U.S. relations and the status of Jews living in Turkey. Cumhunyet also reported that four members of the delegation would meet with Yilmaz to discuss "the assistance of the Jewish lobby in getting Turkey known in the U.S." George Gruen, whom the paper described as the group's "Middle East expert" led the delegation. When asked whether the "Jewish Lobby would join Turkey against Greek and Armenian lobbies in the U.S., he replied, "I want to make it clear that we are not a lobby firm. We have been established to protect the rights of the Jewish community in the U.S...We cannot take the side of Greece, Turkey or the Armenians. But if Ozal or Yilmaz ask, we will do whatever we can to help Turkey. In the end the defense of the Turkish thesis rests with Turkey, not with us." (Cumhuriyet, 2.13.92) But in 1991 at the height of the Gulf crisis, George Gruen masked his affiliation with the American Jewish Committee to write in support of Turkey's claim to northern Iraq. (NY Newsday 1.21.91).

As the delegates met with the Turks, the appointment of Morris Abramowitz as U.S. Ambassador to llurkey was confirmed. Cumhumyet announced that "The American Jewish lobby, having learned of the status of Ibrkish Jews and the certainty of the appointment of Abramowitz, who is of Jewish origin, as Ambassador to Ankara, left Turkey yesterday morning in good spir-its." (Cumhuriyet 2.15.89) Calling Abramowitz "a strong supporter of Israel," Milliyet noted that he would be the third Jewish diplomat in Turkey in addition to Israel's representative and France's Ambassador Eric Rouleau and assured readers that his appointment would "strengthen the Jewish lobby" and convey Turkey's "real difficulties to Washington. (Milliyet, 2.16.89)

In subsequent testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Ambassador Abramowitz actually split with Presi-dent Bush on the issue of the genocide. Asked about Turkey's denial, he answered that it was "unclear whether or not a gen-cide took place." He also conveyed the "deep resentment" on the part of the Turkish Government regarding the issue and sug-gested that for these reasons "it should be left to historians." (Azbarez 6.17.89)

Steven Solarz, "Congressman from Istanbul"

Other prominent Jews have been engaged in promoting Turkey's interests. One is former Democratic House member Steven Solarz of Brooklyn, called by the Turkish press a "pro-Turkish Congressman." (Hurriyet 12.9.85) This wasn't always the case. As a freshman in Congress Solarz actually co-introduced Res. 269 to designate April 24, 1975 as a "Day of Remem-brance of Man's inhumanity to Man" and Res. 148 to commemorate victims of genocide, both including the Armenians. When a year later he authored legislation requiring the National Institute of Education to develop a genocide curriculum, he recom-mended the Holocaust and the Genocide for inclusion. In a letter to an Armenian organization in 1982, Solarz said, "I have no personal doubt, and indeed have said on many public occasions that the slaughter of a million or more Armenians by the Turks was one of the most unjust and unconscionable events of human history, and I certainly join you in deploring it." (1982 letter to an Armenian-American organization)

Then like the weather, Solarz turned around. Reportedly he was informed by letter from the Jewish community in Turkey that refusal to cooperate could jeopardize their well being. In a subsequent statement on a resolution introduced in 1985 Solarz justified his change of heart in this way "One of the problems with this resolution is that it asserts what happened to the Ar-menians was a genocide when the fact that it was a genocide is itself in dispute...There is no evidence that I am aware of which demonstrates that the Ottomans were trying to exterminate all Armenians." (Congressional Record 12.12.85)

With the passing of time, his opposition increased. In a letter designed to obtain financial support from Turkish physicians (June 1988) the Congressman wrote, "For over a decade in the U.S. Congress I've worked hard to advance the interests of the Turkish people...to ensure a significant and substantial foreign aid program for Turkey abroad and to expand the rights of Turkish Americans here at home." Armenians charged that he had "sold out for a $60,000 contribution to his war chest from Turks." "Why can't I support the people who support my work?" he countered. (Brooklyn Paper 3.8.89)

Through the Revolving Door- Richard Perle

When Ross Perrot entered the national political arena, one of his first criticisms was that too often people in government ser-vice parlay insider knowledge and experience into lucrative jobs as advisors or lobbyists for foreign interests. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense, Richard Perle is a case in point.

Foreign governments with active and powerful constituencies in the United States tend to deal directly with representatives on Capitol Hill and have their own methods of disseminating information to support their agendas. On the other hand, Turkey relies on lobbyists with connections and influence in the administration to sell their case to Congress. In 1984, the Washington Times reported that Turkey was paying$300,000 to Gray and Co., a Washington based firm with ties to the Reagan Admini-stration and influential Democrats. At that time Frank Mankiewicz, former head of National Public Radio and Gray Hymel, former aide to House Speaker Tip O'Neil were Ankara's chief lobbyists. (Azbarez 6.84) Prior to the establishment of Perle's lobbying firm, Turkey engaged Hill & Knowlton to oversee public relations in the U.S. In 1989 they also recruited the British firm of Saatchi & Saatchi, a company of Iraqi Jews, to polish their image and promote membership in the EEC. (Armenian Reporter 6.23.89)

In 1989, the Turkish press reported that Richard Perle was under investigation for his "behind the scenes" agreement with Turkey and stood accused of "lobbying for a foreign country without registering with the Justice Department. Cumhurryet claimed that the agreement had been undertaken by President Ozal without approval from the Foreign Ministry. Reportedly Perle would receive $875,000 for his services. The paper quoted him as saying, "I'll be a consultant. I'll run the works. By running it behind the scenes, I can be more useful for Turkey." International Advisors (LAI), as the firm would be called, in-cludes Douglas Feith, Mark Feldman and Michael Mobbs, men with former White House, Defense and State Department jobs. In the agreement Perle's name did not appear. (Cumhuriyet 1.24.89)

Ufuk Guldemir, the paper's Washington correspondent, issued another report claiming that a "warmer atmosphere" had devel-oped after Perle and his group met with Turkish officials in the U.S. One target of its efforts would be the conservative wing of the Congress, another to strengthen Turkey's sales to the Defense Department. According to Guldemir, Turkish officials were heartened by the "ability of this team to influence the strong Jewish lobby in the United States." (Cumhuriyet 1.25.89)

The Financial Times of London printed further details of the Perle-Turkey deal. Feith, of the law firm of Feith and Zell, would be the firm's chairman. (In 1982Feith resigned from his White House post because of alleged involvement with Israel.) Papers signed by Sukru Elekdag and Feith indicate that the "sole function" of the new company would be "to serve the Turkish em-bassy in its lobbying operations in the U.S." The paper called the fact that Turkey would be IAI's only client "highly unusual." (FT 2.4.89)

When the Wall Street Joumal reported Turkish press claims that Perle "sold the idea for the new company to Turgut Ozal," Perle was vehement in his denials. "I am not representing Turkey in any way whatsoever," he countered. "I find very distaste-ful this business where people leave the government and the next thing you know, they're on the other side of the table negoti-ating with the U.S." (WSJ 2.16.89)

Denials aside, this Milliyet report outlining his firm's work clearly challenges his veracity: "Speaking of the firm he estab-lished to do publicity, Perle described the spheres of activityin which IAI will be involved: to encourage Americans, especially members of Congress, to visit Turkey; to assure that even if aid to Turkey is not increased, all Turkey's debt will be converted to grants; to end the 10-7 ratio of military aid between Greece and Turkey; to pursue joint Turkish American production and investments; on publicity, to fix a general strategy and plan; to influence American public opinion on Cyprus and the Arme-nian question. (Milliyet 2.25.89)

The Financial Times called Perle's connections with the Israeli arms industry "well known" and noted that he has encouraged "discrete negotiations" between the Turkish military and Israeli companies. In his Pentagon job Perle oversaw military policy and security assistance to U.S. allies and championed increased aid for Turkey. (In 1988 Turkey received $623 million in U.S. military assistance, ranking it third behind Israel which received $3 billion and Egypt $2 billion.) One Senate official said that there will be tough resistance if Turkey tries to increase textile exports to the United States. He complained that American jobs are being lost in his state because of "dumping" of Turkish textiles. American companies are also on the alert and have said that if IAI tries to obtain U.S. military technology for Turkish companies, they will go to Congress to fight to keep their domestic and foreign markets from being undercut by the Turks. (FT 2.20.89)

On March 10 Cumhunyet announced that Morris Amitay, former of ficer of the America Israel Political Action Committee (AIPAC), a powerful lobby group in Washington, would join the Board of Advisors of Perle's firm. (See Legal Emes 3.20.89)

Two months later the Turkish daily reported that IAI had passed its "first test" by helping to defeat a proposal to maintain the 10-7 ratio of foreign aid as the standard on grants and FMS credits to Greece and Turkey. The paper credited Perle's firm with the defeat.(Cumhuriyet 4.21.89)

Under the circumstances, it is not surprising that when Perle appears on U.S. television or when he writes, he is identified simply as a "former Assistant Secretary of Defense" with no reference whatever to his Turkey and Israel connections.

 

http://www.xs4all.nl/~tank/kurdish/htdocs/a_month.html