HERE IS A NEWS REPORT FROM 22 April 2013
Did the Devil Go Down to Georgia in a Smart ID Card?
April 22, 2013 - by Giorgi Lomsadze
Everyone can sigh with relief. Georgia’s justice officials say they are not in league with the devil and have no plans to assist the Antichrist to take over the world.
In a bizarre public-service announcement, Georgia’s Justice Ministry on April 20 announced that new, biometric ID cards for Georgian citizens are not a satanic creation. “The assumption that the new ID card is the seal of the Antichrist and that it contains the sign of the beast is not correct,” explained an earnest young man in a video produced by the ministry.
“Georgia’s Public Registry took upon itself a commitment not to place the number six three times in a row on any of the IDs,” the man elaborated, in reference to the mark, which, according to the Bible's Book of Revelation, will be the mark of a beast which will force worship of another beast. "Nor will it be in the future."
But the assurances have not assuaged widespread suspicions. This January, Georgian Orthodox Church faithful gathered in front of the justice ministry to protest against the cards, which, they claim, will help the devil control Georgia and bring on the Antichrist.
“The monks have inspected the IDs with ultraviolet rays and they got this horrendous picture,” one female protester (wearing a shirt emblazoned with the message "Party with us") told the news site Netgazeti.ge. She showed a picture of a red devil with "666" inscribed on his forehead and horns sprouting out of his head. Another woman offered additional alleged proof of the approaching apocalypse; a photo of an icon of the Virgin Mary "weeping blood," as she said.
In a country where the Church ranks as the single most trusted institution, the state apparently felt it cannot ignore such concerns. Nor are they the concerns of an isolated minority. After priests began speaking of the alleged Antichrist menace, many university-educated, urban professionals also refused to accept the IDs.
To solve the dilemma, the state chose instead to engage the Church. At the government’s prodding, top prelates gathered for a conclave and, after some deliberations, the Georgian Orthodox Church's ruling body, the Holy Synod, expressed approval for the IDs so long as they do not contain the devil’s numbers.
But that imprimatur failed to stop the campaign. Individual priests continue to wage war against the cards and are rallying their parishes to join the battle.
At the same time, government officials -- and, chief among them, Justice Minister Tea Tsulukiani -- are facing criticism for not ignoring such concerns and choosing instead to cater to them by offering explanations. Tsulukiani vowed to do her best to dispel the antichrist fears, but it is unclear how far she’s willing to go to make her case. Maybe another video?
The word of the lord came to me: "Son of man, set your face against Gog, of the land of Magog, the chief prince of Meshech and Tubal; prophesy against him and say.." Ezekiel 38:1
Now "Magog" was the grandson of Noah, land-of-Magog is the land where the tribe of Magog dwelled. This tribe called their "chief prince" or their tribal leader "Gog". From the names "Tubal" and "Meshech" we can find the location where the tribes of Magog lived under their king or Gog. It's present day Georgia, "Tubal" is an ancient name for Georgia, and the name of its capital Tbilisi most-likely originated from the word Tubal. As to "Meshech" it looks like a Georgian word, since the nickname of Saakashvili is "Misha".
By the way, Togarmah is a descendent of Noah also, through Japheth then Gomer (Gen 10:1-3). The tribe of Togarmah lived in the ancient Armenian city state which was located in south-eastern of modern Turkey. In ancient Assyrian records it was mentioned as Tilgarimmu.
SAAKASHVILI MAY HAVE A FUTURE
Revelation 13: 3 says he will receive a wound in his head and fall (like Misha has fallen from presidency); So he will receive a symbolic blow to the head, and fall - but be raised up - as if resurrected back into life of politics as antichrist of the world.
Georgia: Divided Opinions on Saakashvili’s Legacy
October 28, 2013, by Molly Corso
Outgoing Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili’s role as a state builder, a revolutionary, and a domineering leader determined to thrust his tiny country outside of Russia’s political orbit is well established. But as his nearly decade-long tenure comes to an end, Georgians are still struggling to define this 45-year-old leader and the mark he has left on Georgia.
Some point to the showy building facades that have transformed the Georgian capital, Tbilisi, and the Black-Sea port city of Batumi. Others laud his concession of the 2012 parliamentary elections, which marked the first time in the country’s history an incumbent party (Saakashvili’s United National Movement) gave up power via the ballot box. Still others cite Georgia’s disastrous 2008 war against Russia, which seemingly resulted in the Tbilisi’s permanent loss of breakaway South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Saakashvili himself points to the Radisson Blu, a once derelict, high-rise hotel in downtown Tbilisi that, from 1993 until 2004, housed hundreds of displaced persons from Abkhazia. Pointing to the hotel through his living-room windows during a recent televised tour of the apartment where he will now live, Saakashvili asserted that the most important question is whether Georgia is “a different country than it was 10 years ago.”
For the leader of the 2003 Rose Revolution that ended the corrupt, dysfunctional rule of President Eduard Shevardnadze, that question is key. Over nearly the past 10 years, the president -- nicknamed Misha the Builder, a play on Davit the Builder, one of Georgia’s most influential kings -- has sought to tear Georgia, physically and mentally, out of its past.
That he has had triumphs is not disputed. Saakashvili established 24-hour electricity as the norm, built badly needed roads and schools and rebuilt towns and parts of cities. Under his watch, the economy grew (average monthly per-capita incomes nearly tripled between 2003 and 2012 to 218.4 laris or $132.36), and foreign tourists and investors arrived (FDI peaked at $673 million in 2011); the country forged closer ties with Europe and the United States, the police became respected, the mafia was routed and state institutions became functional.
But Tbilisi State University sociologist Iago Kachkachishvili cautioned that Saakashvili tended to “zig-zag” from good to bad policies; a tendency that makes it difficult for Georgian society to come to terms with his legacy.
While his intentions were rooted in a democratic worldview, Saakashvili often appeared to have a low tolerance for dissent, overseeing a sharp uptick in arrests (many related to corruption), a crackdown on the opposition, aggressive government influence over private media outlets and an unhealthy consolidation of ties among business and political interests that enabled corruption on an elite level to continue, even as petty corruption disappeared.
Against that backdrop, some Georgian analysts contend that Saakashvili’s legacy might boil down to the contrast between what was achieved and what failed.
As Georgia changed “from [a] typical post-Soviet society into a more . . . Westernized society,” argued Vakhtang Lejava, a chief economic advisor from 2009 to 2012 to ex-Prime Minister Nika Gilauri, the government raised the bar for people’s expectations. As Georgians’ expectations for government became higher, so, too, did the standard against which they judged Saakashvili, Lejava continued. “People changed,” he said. “[The UNM] changed the standard ... The bar became much higher. And at some particular parts, the UNM failed to be on that standard,” he said, citing in particular the 2012 scandal over abuse of prisoners.
While the president admits that mistakes were made during his administration, he has not elaborated. Saaakashvili himself did not agree to an interview with EurasiaNet.org in time for publication.
Giorgi Kandelaki, a senior UNM MP close to Saakashvili, believes that, for all the criticism of his government, the president should be seen as a “transformational leader,” who turned “Georgia into a state that, actually, for all its flaws, worked.” [Editor’s Note: Kandelaki once served as an editorial associate at EurasiaNet.org].
But in a culture of extremes, many Georgians are not likely to make room soon for nuances when it comes to Saakashvili’s record. No matter what events might await him in life after the presidency, Georgians will tend to view Saakashvili through the prism of savior or scoundrel, noted political scientist Gia Nodia, a former education minister under the president. “[It is] either/or. I think it will continue to be the case,” he said. “Maybe some individuals will try to be balanced, but I think that is atypical. For the vast majority of people, he is either a villain or a hero.”
Many Georgians charge that the Georgian-Dream-led government is negatively typecasting much of the UNM in that way.
Over the past year, many of Saakashvili’s closest allies, including former Prime Minister Vano Merabishvili and former Defense Minister Bacho Akhalaia, along with a score of other senior UNM-era bureaucrats, have gone to prison to await trial on charges of torture, abuse of office, and embezzlement. In addition, Tbilisi Mayor Givi Ugulava, once seen as a likely successor to Saakashvili, faces criminal charges on a separate case, though remains in office.
Ivanishvili, who insists that these prosecutions are not politically motivated, also has threatened to bring Saakashvili, whom he terms a “political corpse,” to justice for unspecified crimes he allegedly committed as president.
Few would expect the outgoing president to do anything but fight. Contrary to rumors about his likely departure abroad, Saakashvili has stated publicly that he intends to stay in Georgia, as part of the opposition to the Georgian Dream.
“One era of Saakashvili is over, “ Nodia said, but another, eventually, may be yet to come. “He has a legacy,” Nodia said. “But he also may have a future.”
Molly Corso is a freelance reporter and photographer based in Tbilisi.
Memorable Moments from the Age of Misha
October 26, 2013 - 6:13am, by Giorgi Lomsadze
Nearly ten years ago, Mikheil Saakashvili, with crowds of supporters in tow, forced his way into the Georgian parliament in Tbilisi, brandishing a red rose and screaming “Resign!” at his former benefactor, President Eduard Shevardnadze, who, ignoring the revolution happening outside, was busy welcoming in a questionably elected parliament. Since then, Saakashvili, known to friends and foes alike as Misha, has kept storming into places.
An indefatigable modernizer, Misha ran around the country, busting corrupt and loafing officials, driving race cars and tractors, opening and closing enterprises, and bulldozing over everything that stood in his way, be it enemies or buildings. And he went about it with his trademark goofy giggles and out-of-control forelock. His outsized personality dominated Georgian politics for a decade, making for what might be called the Age of Misha.
To remember this era, we have, with contributions from readers, compiled a list of what might be termed the top-five styles of Misha. Even with a new president to be elected in Georgia's October 27 elections, he will not easily be forgotten.
1. Misha, the Road-Runner:
The country has had a hard time keeping up with its hyperactive president, both literally and figuratively speaking. To borrow a line from Lewis Carrol’s Red Queen, it took all the running you could do and more to keep up with the incredibly agile Saakashvili, and it is true both for his rivals and his entourage. When he went barnstorming in the wine-region of Kakheti before the 2008 presidential election, TV crews, advisers and his security detail had to gallop to catch up with Saakashvili, who, dispensing hugs and promises, nearly sprinted though the main town of Telavi. “Keep going!” his then PR-adviser Marika Verulashvili screamed at journalists as she trundled behind, a hand to her chest.
2. Misha, the Frequent-Flyer:
An indefatigable jetsetter, Saakashvili has popped up everywhere from New York to Mestia in a lickety-split, pressing the flesh with foreign leaders and local farmers alike. Now the Saakashvili run is screeching to a halt, as he is set to pass on Georgia’s presidency to a slower and less dominating figure; both in terms of personality and constitutional powers.
3. Misha’s Got the Beat:
Saakashvili’s rule had a syncopated musical score. His reelection in 2008, which followed rage over a crackdown on protesters, was accompanied by a feel-good campaign soundtrack “Misha’s Awesome”/ (“მიშა მაგარია”). Music hits brought to Georgia by the Saakashvili government, included a United Artists-style ode to Abkhazia, a series of promo musical videos for the police that once even featured children singing and dancing in police uniforms, and many a song by the young talent Sopo Nizharadze of whom the president is said to be a fan. Even when Russian troops invaded in 2008, the Saakashvili government found the time to take a disco-stand against Russian guns.
4. The Not-Safe-for-Work Misha:
Apart from the well-known ups and downs of his rule, Saakashvili was also a bit of a cultural misfit in his traditional, conservative country. Jaws dropped when he once leeringly advised juveniles at a youth camp to explore the ample fun opportunities offered by nearby bushes and trees. Rumors of frequent sexual peccadilloes, photos of him hanging out with scantily dressed Russian journalists or embracing a celebrity masseuse Dorothy Stain (Dr. Dot) fed to his reputation of an inveterate philanderer. Vainly did Dr. Dot try to clarify the nature of the relationship.
5. Thus Spoke Misha:
Until recently, national TV broadcasts were one long Misha show. Georgians often groaned when Saakashvili misquoted well-known lines by Georgian poets, advised the griping intelligentsia to flush itself down the toilet, jumped or danced in public, chewed on his tie, tripped off a bridge, vowed to build a megapolis in a swamp or offered to mail his private parts to Russia’s Vladimir Putin, who famously offered to hang the annoying Georgian by the parts in question. Such exchanges with Putin caused lots of domestic commentary on allegedly Freudian undertones in the two men’s feud.
And then there was, of course, the Misha laugh, an unforgettably liberated and high-pitched giggle.
Love him or hate him, Georgia is undeniably a very different place today than the dysfunctional, semi-mafioso state that it was when Saakashvili burst into parliament on that November day in 2003. Georgians may pass a more clinically detached verdict on Saakashvili’s rule after time passes and they can look at his era within its historic context. In the meantime, Saakashvili is getting ready to move out of his office in Georgia’s glimmering glass-dome presidential palace and into a humble apartment in downtown Tbilisi. But it is unlikely that Misha will be able to fit his personality into the straitjacket of a political has-been.
According to article below Saak was able to listen to telephone conversation of everyone in Georgia
Report: Ericsson Technology Enables Georgian Eavesdropping on Cell Phones
October 31, 2013, by Giorgi Lomsadze
Georgians long have claimed that their calls were monitored for political-control assurance, but turns out they have Swedish telecommunications-technology giant Ericsson partly to thank.
Following an October 30 report by Swedish public radio, Ericsson told Agence France Presse (AFP) that it had sold phone-surveillance technology to Georgia’s Geocell, a privately owned cellular operator, back in 2005. The company maintained, however, that the equipment was meant as an anti-crime tool, though acknowledged that the Georgian government "allegedly use it" for illegal wiretapping.
Publicizing tapped private conversations has been a tried political weapon in Georgia. In the heyday of outgoing President Mikheil Saakashvili's era, everytime the political temperature went up, secretly recorded conversation were dumped online or aired on TV. In 2007, when police clashed with protesters in Tbilisi, tapped phone calls became a soundtrack to the authorities’ claims about a Kremlin-orchestrated conspiracy to bring down Georgia's pro-Western government.
A new season of audio revelations began last year, when President Saakashvili’s government faced a challenge from then-opposition leader Bidzina Ivanishvili over conversations posted online that featured members of Ivanishvili’s Georgian Dream coalition members badmouthing both their leader and each other. Police then also released recordings of conversations allegedly linking some Georgian Dream members to the mafia. Both rights groups within Georgia and Western diplomats repeatedly have raised the issue of illegal wiretapping. But to what degree the situation has changed under the new government of Bidzina Ivanishvili is unclear.
The Georgian chapter of the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International* said in May this year that the interior ministry had installed black boxes “in the server infrastructure of all major telecommunication companies." The boxes permit " law enforcement bodies and security services to monitor all communication passing through the infrastructure, including text messages, internet and phone calls," the watchdog charged.
The group called on the authorities to remove the black boxes and ensure the period of uncontrolled wiretapping is over. To what degree the Georgian authorities have heeded this call is not yet known.
In their comments to AFP, Ericsson and Geocell passed the buck to the Georgian government, but Amnesty International argued that the companies could share the responsibility for cases of illegal eavesdropping.
It is not the first instance of a Swedish company appearing in a Caucasus eavesdropping controversy. In 2012, Swedish public television charged that the Swedish-Finish TeliaSonera, the majority-owner of Geocell, had helped the government of Azerbaijan, Georgia's neighbor, to spy on its citizens by granting the government access to systems at Azercell, a TeliaSonera filial. As did Ericsson on Georgia, TeliaSonera (in comments to Slate) put it down to "fighting crime."